Thoughts on unionist options in the general political chaos

Henry Patterson  has written  an excellent explanation in the Guardian of the pressures on the DUP within Northern Ireland rather than at Westminster or from Brussels. As the professional  historian of the fate and fortune of border Protestants and much else besides, Henry’s analysis commands respect even from the DUP’s critics who claim they should have backed Remain or at least Theresa May’s withdrawal agreement.

Today’s favourite commentator  on unionism Alex Kane has also extended  his reach into the London press  as far as the left leaning Guardian to follow this blog into arguing that the DUP  should now support Remain. While the logic applies, it is narrow. It’s becoming blatantly clear that the  Remain option is fast disappearing and that the present tussles are about positioning for advantage in an election.  Protecting against No Deal is little more than an excuse by a  badly split  Labour party not only over Brexit but its own leadership and fears they will lose badly in any imminent election.

Whoever wins the election when it’s eventually held, I see little chance of the DUP being able to reverse  the position on the new front stop. Any  Labour government would be unlikely to reverse it unless it won a stonking majority with irresistible momentum for Remain or the Lib Dems supported them in office.  Even allowing for unprecedented volatility in politics, these are the least likely outcomes.

The best hope is that the conditions for customs clearance and Vat can be mitigated or compensated for. The undoubted constitutional implications should be addressed first by Dublin refusing to endorse any border poll without unionist acquiescence, including rejecting any  prospect of holding  the required concurrent referendum in the Republic under anything like the present  volatility,  as recently recommended by the senior retired Irish diplomat Noel Dorr in the Irish Times. This should be a accompanied by   agreement among all small u unionist parties at Westminster to declare their support for the Union by consent. This means Labour reiterating its position that it will not do a straight  deal with the SNP to support a second independence referendum in exchange for supporting a minority Labour government. Such a deal is unnecessary. The SNP have nowhere else to go except to tilt towards Labour.

Later… I doubt if most  unionist voters will blame the DUP for incompetence and poor judgement or  that  more than North Belfast will be under  threat if the last list of parties stands again.  In the present ferment and scramble over election timing,  unionist voters are more likely to stick with nurse for fear of something worse like a Labour government.  While Arlene Foster has made for her, liberal noises about the Irish language, Fortress Ulster Under Attack will be the more convincing appeal until at least the result of the general election. This will not be the moment to play with alternatives until they see what the immediate future holds. The prospect of a renewed phalanx of 10 “doing their best for Ulster” has more obvious appeal than letting in Alliance or absentionist Sinn Fein on a reduced or split unionist turnout.

I apologise for lack of links, but you can easily look them up on your own. They’re too difficult to supply on the phone from New Zealand.

 

 

 


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