James O’Sullivan, a native of Dingle, Co Kerry writes in with his response to A Long Peace?, and suggests that the argument over which Union is better than the other (Irish or British) may have outlived its utility.
By James W. O’Sullivan
Williamsburg, Virginia
USA
There is so much included in “The Long Peace” which is sensible, heartening and wise. However there is a recurrent contextual flavour which compels a focus on, and resolution of, the historical alternatives evident in much of the debate in Northern Ireland. In short, your comments offers entirely sensible admonitions within the framework of the traditional debate of either UK Union or Ireland Union.
The traditional debate of which “Union” is better, obscures and detracts from the opportunities and realities of both our past and our future.
It is but a modest task, to show the enduring failure of the UK as a political Union, whether it be the 1700 Union with Scotland or the 1800 or so Union with Ireland. Similarily, and indeed more dramatically, it is evident that the Separatist – “Ourselves Alone” – Ireland of the 1920’s through 1970’s was a failed or failing political entity.
Part of the discomfort Unionists experience has its origins in an acknowledgement that the polity they crafted from the early 1920’s onwards has been a failure. The angst of that realisation may well have been tempered, through much of the twentieth century, by the manifest short-comings of the alternative polity to the south. That crutch is frail indeed now. Whereas, the Republicans draw comfort and strength from the vibrant success of “their” alternative but without the acknowledgement that this success derives from the abandonment of the “ourselves alone” philosophy of the “founding fathers”.
The traditional debate is an empty vessel, neither alternative is possible or practical: more importantly neither exclusionary alternative offers the promise of improving the lives of traditional unionists/loyalists, or nationalists/republicans. The alternatives simply do not exist. The diffusion of sovereignities, globalisation and regional communications preclude any “pure” union. An acknowledgement of such carries the prospect of agreement between the two traditional communities.
In short the questions then become couched in terms of what are the formal and informal polity linkages between Northern Ireland and the Republic and other parts of the UK, and indeed what are the formal linkages between the Republic of Ireland and a transformed UK. Unionists ought to be focussed far more on exacting a “price” of more formal linkages throughout the British/Irish Isles in exchange for more formal linkages between Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland.
Resolution of these matters implies the generation of energies to transform the politicisation of England, Ireland, Scotland and Wales, creating an entirely different basis for the archipelago to govern itself and assure its prosperity and influence in the future.
In short, union with the Republic of Ireland is impractical for NI, and the traditional Union with Britain is both archaic and a failure. We need to elevate the disagreement by changing the traditional alternatives and involving more constituencies throughout the islands.
We often disparage those who are distant from the scene, whether they be in New York or East Anglia, for not really understanding the issues and complexities of the drama in Northern Ireland. From my youth in Dingle to mature middle age here in Virginia, I have learned it is unwise to underestimate others or overestimate our own wisdoms. It is perhaps because others can see the follies of contesting two impractical and meaningless alternative “truths”, that they appear unknowing. We need to move the goal posts back onto the pitch of realities and off the field of dreams.
Mick is founding editor of Slugger. He has written papers on the impacts of the Internet on politics and the wider media and is a regular guest and speaking events across Ireland, the UK and Europe. Twitter: @MickFealty
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