Choyaa: The Spectre of Drumcree…

The spectre of Drumcree has loomed over Northern Ireland again this past week. For many, it had faded from view over the last 28 years; for those of us within the Orange Institution, it never truly disappeared. Weekly protests kept the memory alive, while emptier lodge rooms after the 1990s served as a constant reminder of what the crisis did to the Institution. It was never simply a dispute over a road. For the Institution, Drumcree became a wound that never fully healed. For residents on the Garvaghy Road, it was an annual assertion of dominance that hardened opposition and left lasting scars. Both experiences still shape the ground on which any future decision will be judged.

Last week’s High Court ruling overturned a Parades Commission decision banning Portadown District from the Garvaghy Road. The Commission conceded serious procedural errors, with Mr Justice McAlinden criticising “shortcuts” and “sloppy procedures”. Few will be surprised: the Commission appeared to be rubber-stamping a determination made nearly three decades ago. Its handling of mediation requests and protocols raises wider questions about how it and other public bodies operate in Northern Ireland. It now faces the impossible task of restoring credibility with one community at the risk of eroding it with the other.

Portadown District’s reaction to the ruling, however, suggests that some lessons of the past have not been fully absorbed. Awarding Jamie Bryson, who was part of the legal team, a “Siege of Drumcree” medal under the glare of the cameras was tactless and needlessly provocative. The awkward press conferences that followed, and the public reading of demands bearing Bryson’s unmistakable influence, reflected poor judgement at a moment when restraint and strategic clarity were essential. Bringing Jamie Bryson to the forefront of this dispute is particularly reckless. He is not from the area, is not a member of the Institution, and is one of the most polarising figures in unionism, and beyond it. His involvement jars with the unifying approach the Institution has increasingly tried to cultivate: one based on community relationships, local accommodation and presenting the Orange Institution as a broad cultural organisation rather than a vehicle for a “culture war”.

Outside Influences and Old Patterns

One of the original errors at Drumcree was allowing outside influences to dominate what should have remained a local matter. High-profile figures with no local ties, Jim Allister, Timothy Gaston and Jamie Bryson all frame the issue as a wider cultural battle. Yet they are rarely seen at the many uncontentious parades that take place each year, from Rossnowlagh to Derry Day and the Last Saturday. For all their talk of preserving “our culture,” none found it worth their while to join the Orange Institution during the years it struggled for numbers. Drumcree simply offers them a convenient platform, much like the anti-protocol rallies they championed before discarding them once the elections passed. This mirrors the actions of Ian Paisley and other politicians in the past who used Drumcree to advance their political ambitions; not a fife or drum did they give for the Institution once Drumcree faded from view and their careers took off. Repeating historic missteps and letting non-members shape the narrative by calling for mobilisation without owning the consequences – only complicates local dynamics.

The recent suggestion of a modest parade of 60 people with no music will be welcomed in principle by many within the Loyal Orders, but it arrives very late. Winning a legal argument does not mean every exercise of that right is wise. Furthermore, a future Parades Commission determination could reach the same conclusion as before. But because of how poorly this process has been managed, such a ruling will have little credibility with unionists, just as a reverse ruling will have litte with nationalists.

Wider Problems Across the Loyal Orders

The fall-out from Portadown does not end at the Garvaghy Road; it directly undermines the standing of the Loyal Orders elsewhere. A high-profile PR failure in one district inevitably draws attention to behavioural and logistical weaknesses across the wider parading calendar, turning vulnerabilities into easy targets for political opponents. When Sinn Féin complained about traffic congestion at the Black Saturday parade in Newry, it was less about traffic and more about tensions, specifically Drumcree. Drumcree is not happening in a vacuum and Sinn Féin will ensure this is the case, the Loyal Orders would do well to be cautious. Discipline and public presentation remain persistent weaknesses across the Loyal Orders. At major showcase events like Scarva and Derry Day, cultural and religious substance is increasingly overshadowed by poor venue control. Indeed, the issues at Scarva resulted in a police complaint. At Derry Day, which I attended this year, it is obvious that the Apprentice Boys have lost control. Real credit is due to the Apprentice Boys, local residents and business groups for building and sustaining a framework that allows this parade to pass peacefully each year. Further praise is due to the Apprentice Boys for organising the week-long Maiden City Festival, which includes historical tours, re-enactments, educational initiatives and music. On Derry Day itself there is significant symbolism: the cannon fire from the historic walls, the initiation of new Apprentice Boys and the Cathedral service. However, none of this can mask the obvious problems. Emblems on parade have been a continuous issue, and this year a band displayed a UDA bannerette. Public drinking and anti-social behaviour are rife, particularly in the Waterside area, while large parts of the city become a public urinal – giving new meaning to the “Relief of Derry”. Some on parade have clearly overindulged and the parade marshals are usually ineffective. Furthermore, a number of bands and intoxicated elements of the crowd engage in impromptu renditions of “No Pope of Rome” and other assorted songs. I was shocked to hear unionist politicians, some of whom were not at the event, praise its success. Does anyone within the unionist community genuinely believe this is appropriate, sustainable or that it does our culture any favours? Defending or dismissing this behaviour inflicts long-term harm rather than protecting tradition. The goodwill that allows major events to proceed without formal restrictions cannot be taken for granted. A badly managed return to Drumcree would inevitably spill into the wider conversation about loyalist parading. If old patterns re-emerge in Portadown, opponents will understandably question whether major events elsewhere can continue without tighter controls.

A Slow Recovery

There is a clear irony here. Many within the Institution never wanted Drumcree reopened, for understandable reasons. Membership fell sharply after the 1990s, reaching around 34,000 by 2012. In recent years numbers have recovered to the 40,000–45,000 range and continue to grow. Women’s lodges are also growing strongly, while junior lodges have expanded at a rate not witnessed before within the Institution. In places like Fermanagh, an overwhelmingly nationalist county with no contentious parades, stability has been achieved through years of careful, unglamorous local accommodation. That progress relies on people who understand that the Institution’s long-term survival depends on maintaining traditions while living respectfully alongside neighbours. As communities are heavily integrated in places like Fermanagh, it’s less about what happens on parade day and more about what happens the rest of the year.

It is important to contextualise this as an organisation still in recovery mode rather than one that is fully recovered. The Institution has worked hard over the years to address problems through the “Battle Not the Bottle” campaign and charitable work. It remains the most unifying vehicle within unionism, attracting members from across all unionist parties and much further afield making it much more diverse than any of the political parties. Despite the old-fashioned image of the organisation, it has in some ways been ahead of the curve on membership, openly recruiting gay members and people from new communities in Northern Ireland, some of whom now hold leadership positions, something unionist parties still struggle with. A poorly handled return to Drumcree risks undoing that hard-won progress.

The Road Ahead

The Orange Institution faces a clear choice: continue with approaches that leave it exposed, or take firmer, more professional control of its culture and public presentation. Two immediate steps are essential:

• Professionalise communications and legal strategy. It would be preferable if Grand Lodge took overall control but failing this and due to the decentralised nature of the Orange it must issue guidance and training to districts on managing sensitive legal outcomes, media relations and community negotiations. These functions cannot be outsourced to self-appointed spokesmen or external political operators with their own agendas and should be controlled internally.

• Address parading issues. The Loyal Orders must work actively with the PSNI to improve behavioural standards on parade days. The spirit of the “It’s About the Battle, Not the Bottle” campaign needs practical enforcement at contained venues, backed by internal education on the core purpose of these events. The issues at Scarva, which concern a very small area, look like an obvious and easy point to address.

On Drumcree itself, any return should be modest and carefully staged: a small contingent of local members only, no music, no outside political figures, prior notification, genuine engagement with residents or mediators and full Grand Lodge ownership of both the application and the public messaging. The aim must be to demonstrate responsibility rather than claim victory. Those of us in the Orange Institution should also recognise the issues that our organisation was responsible for over many years, including intense and sustained rioting and violence. In this context, even a modest procession along the Garvaghy Road is unlikely to be welcomed by many of the residents, and Portadown District should also prepare its strategy on what to do if a return parade is declined. Continuing with the weekly protests and reopening the Drumcree wound is unsustainable, and there needs to be a long-term solution that allows all parties to move on. Protecting the progress of recent years requires leadership that faces practical realities rather than repeating familiar errors. The true test is not whether the Orange Institution can parade on the Garvaghy Road again, but whether the Institution has learned enough from the past to ensure that what happens in Portadown strengthens, rather than weakens, the case for every other parade it wishes to preserve. Only then can the Orange begin to vanquish the spectre of Drumcree.