This is the first in a two-part series on how culture war is a mark of fake politics and not the least in our own backyard and is written from a pro-union perspective. Part two will appear next Friday.
In an early version of ‘cancel culture’, the Andersontown News mocked Ulster-Scots as ‘a DIY language for Orangemen’. ‘Culture cringe’ Unionists accommodated the mockery. They did a linguistic and cultural heritage of all a disservice.
Similarly, the disparaging remarks of Sammy Wilson, DUP MP in describing the GAA as ‘the sporting wing of the IRA’ failed to recognise that culture is best lived for what it is and not for what it is perceived to be against. A culture war can only ever be a ‘sham fight.’
Political comments aimed at enhancing cultural preference by seeking to hollow out another produces combative binary identities with politicians as curators.
Divisive symbolism promotes a reductionist cultural understanding and frames narratives bordering on myth-making to be soaked up like a communal sponge. A filtered claim on cultural belonging results.
When former Sinn Fein spokesperson Danny Morrison stated that ‘art and culture can displace conflict contingent with political activity and opportunity’ he was fine-tuning a old traditional and all too familiar model.
Unionist leaders too are not averse to extracting this soft power of culture in aligning politics to favoured institutional affiliations and past events.
With pro-Union individuals distancing from unquestioning cultural expectation to no longer embrace a culturally essentialist paradigm, it becomes clearer that cultural unionism is the inheritor of a diverse spectrum of cultural hybridity.
Declan Kiberd suggests in Inventing Ireland, ‘identity is seldom straightforward and given, more often a matter of negotiation and exchange.’
This is particularly true of Unionism, not least in cultural sporting arenas, where Irish, Ulster, Northern Ireland, Great Britain and NI allegiances and relationships reflect flexibility.
These pluralist identities when sat alongside social and religious diversity are not a neat fit with the closed imagination which a too authoritative and patently uninformed politics have attempted to foster.
Historically, present-day unionist culture is dynamic and always being formed; with connections to and relationships with major regions of Great Britain and Ireland.
It cannot be otherwise
“Culture” was once seen through an elitist lens with limited connection to the wider community. Historically, this higher version was found to contrast with ‘low or popular culture’.
But this perception of culture is now viewed as limiting; not democratic or inclusive. In fact almost anything we do as human beings in society is related to culture.
Through this wider prism that we can encourage a fuller understanding of the contemporary mosaic of unionist cultural expression. When we actually look we find it is neither stagnant or one-dimensional.
Yet, Northern Ireland particularly Unionist culture is judged to be otherwise and therefore by extention to be not in line with the pluralism of mainland Britain or the modern world.
Why is such a claim seen as valid? Has no surrender unionism betrayed the totality of its cultural DNA to concentrate on and comply with a minimalist identity to counter Irish nationalism?
It is understandable that, when Northern Ireland was established as one of two states on the island of Ireland, unionism, facing opposition from militant republicanism and unsure of support from Westminster, sought to establish solidarity through a distinctive political and cultural identity.
Sacrifice and heroism, certain imperial icons, history, commemorations and the arts were embraced to the exclusion of others. Gaelic language, previously on display at pro-Union gatherings, was over time and gradually disavowed and discouraged.
A selective orthodoxy emerged and, as with political unionism, diversity or radical departure was discouraged. It served to suffocate any political, intellectual, cultural challenge or deviation. It was in a sense surrendering ground.
This has to have been a factor in a wider lack of democratic and political quality assurance.
Unionism become trapped between the civic and inclusive vision of Sir Edward Carson and over- cautious political management of a state under threat? Carson’s vision became blurred?
The door to pro-Union creative cultural energy partially closed and allowed others to impose meaning on Unionist culture.
Academic Connall Parr points to understanding of the consequences:
‘Protestant working class heritage and culture was downplayed by Ulster Unionists and Irish Republicans allowing the image of a reactionary Unionist monolith to emerge’
Yet, just as now, this heritage and culture continued to breathe and its creativity has survived.
Connall cites, amongst others, Thomas Carnwath, John Hewitt and Sam Thompson, the works of Christina Reid, who is referenced in an Irish Times interview as using her drama to “negotiate the Troubles and beyond with humour that aids survival.”
Photo by PicsbyFran is licensed under CC BY-NC-SA
Terry Wright is a former member of the UUP who, in addition to inter- and intra-community activities works independently to promote Civic Unionism.
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