Good time to bring merit in government back into electoral politics?

As we watch how our various ministers deal with the first genuine crisis of their careers, it seems like a good time to see if the management and emergence from Covid-19 gives us any ideas on how we can improve our overall governance in Northern Ireland.

Paul Gosling uploaded an interesting article earlier this week in which he raised certain ways in which our system of devolved government could be reformed in the general interest. Paul’s focus was largely on the structural, but in my opinion, we also need to address the ability of those entrusted with high office here. I don’t think our system currently encourages this.

I assume most people would agree that the St Andrews Agreement was a carve up between the two biggest (and most tribal) parties at the time. Probably at the time that was the only way to guarantee DUP assent, but the changes made to the election of First and Deputy First Ministers has paved the way to what most of us would hopefully agree is an almost permanent state of inertia in decision making.

The current system was designed to scare people in each community into voting for either the DUP or Sinn Fein as the best chance of holding or gaining the FM position. Yes, we all know the two positions are equal in every meaningful sense, but equally we know the symbolism of being notional top dog is a massive deal for the more insecure and triumphalist elements in either community. That clearly damaged the UUP and SDLP as was intended. Also, in those idyllic pre-Brexit days it was anticipated that the situation would persist at least well into the medium term. So, party self-interest won the day at St Andrews and we’re still paying for it.

Events really since the Brexit referendum and the emergence of the detail of RHI, up to some of the seemingly manufactured divisions over Covid-19 strategy, have consistently laid bare the hollow nature of our two main parties and the lack of basic ability at senior levels in both. We are governed by a combination of an increasingly reactionary DUP (see equal marriage and abortion reform) and a relentlessly populist Sinn Fein (see equal marriage and abortion reform) and it’s not healthy. As a natural optimist, I hoped the deal announced in January would be a genuine new dawn. But it looks worse than ever.

I’ve given up on the current setup and I know I’m not alone. As someone who still supports the union, I have never felt represented by the DUP since the first time I saw Paisley ranting in our estate when I was seven. They stand for nothing I believe in and want the antithesis of the society I want to live in. I believe – election results notwithstanding – that most of my community feel similarly. I have never voted for them, but I am aware of plenty of people who do so reluctantly because of the St Andrews con. Equally, I believe that there is a substantial number of current Sinn Fein voters who do so for similar reasons but who are far from happy with either what Sinn Fein still represent or with their performance in government. Pre-Brexit and 2017 suspension votes for the likes of PBP in West Belfast and Foyle clearly demonstrated an appetite for change. I think it’s still there. Equally there are many thousands out there who simply feel disenfranchised by the carve up so who have opted out of voting in the way many nationalists did 1921-72. If they felt they could influence things for the better, I am confident they would return to the polling booth.

The last Westminster and Council elections proved beyond doubt that, shorn of the contrived Stormont insecurities, they would vote to parties or candidates with whom they were genuinely comfortable. The SDLP and Alliance were the primary beneficiaries of this mood in both communities and since then I think they’ve gone some way to justifying the confidence shown in them.

So, what’s that got to do with Covid-19? Basically, we’re getting a first-hand view of how capable (or otherwise) our parties and individual politicians are when dealing with a genuine crisis for society, not one they’ve caused or manufactured. It may be a while before we can fully judge individual performances, but the one thing we can take from this is that we need ministers with ability, resilience and the willingness to take difficult and unpopular decisions, rather than ones who perform well on the Twelfth or Easter Sunday.

Of the functional ministers most in the public eye so far, I’ve been generally reasonably impressed by the approach of Swann, Mallon and Long, while Deirdre Hargey has managed her brief (not the hardest as it involves spending money) in a low key and apparently efficient manner.  Peter Weir, who has never impressed me, seems lost in Education while Conor Murphy, who I rated as the strongest Sinn Fein representative and a decent appointee to Finance, is now shorn of personal credibility after both the Paul Quinn and PPE order debacles. I have never been impressed by Diane Dodds. I don’t see anything in her to suggest she’s someone capable of kickstarting our economy post lockdown and I don’t like the way she and Hargey were parachuted into office without having won their seat in an election. ever fought an election. Of the big two, Arlene has avoided any gaffes and has managed not to make herself the story (which is an improvement), while Michelle has had a personal nightmare, but I don’t think that’s her fault.

What this means is that under the pre St Andrews system. I think if we had a Stormont election in a few months, the UUP, SDLP and Alliance would have strengthened their case. I also feel that Swann could currently give Paisley Junior a genuine run for his money in a North Antrim FPTP election, such has he improved his standing among unionists. But the carve up still works against them for Stormont, and thus deprives the community of the opportunity to reward ability over tribal noises. That is in no one’s interests outside two party HQs.

The three junior coalition parties, along with the Greens, PBP and Independents, need to grasp this moment and really make the case to the two governments for a review of St Andrews and a return to something more akin to the sort of system 71% of the electorate endorsed in 1998.

I don’t expect the DUP or Sinn Fein to accept it easily since the current system is set up to work in the interests of those two parties rather than the electorate. But it’s in our interests for it to change and let’s face it, we were never given a vote on amending the GFA.  So it will be a tough fight but the last chance we will have to get ourselves a competent and committed style of government here.

If not, I have no doubt someone will manufacture a crisis that will bring the whole edifice tumbling down again, perhaps irretrievably in a way that will suit no one but the scorched earthers.  No matter what your politics may be, surely no one wants us to be left isolated and voiceless at a time when so much work will be needed rebuilding the economy and society as a whole.

Ian Clarke

Ian Clarke spent 36 years in sales & marketing for newspapers in Northern Ireland, England and Scotland – including the Belfast Telegraph, Wolverhampton Express & Star, Northern Echo and The Herald (Glasgow) after graduating from QUB in Political Science. Glentoran supporter.