Two big problems with Lisbon the voters may have missed…

The fear, loathing and grief over the lost referendum has been palpable, both in some of the commentators on the pages of Irish newspapers, and in the news emanating from that peculiarly small bubble, call it a cocoon, around Leinster House. John Waters this morning for instance, blames the voters for voting on an issue they didn’t understand. Of his father voting for the 1937 Consitution, he notes: “the idea of voting against a proposal because he did not grasp its implications would for him have amounted to sacrilege.” Hmmm… yes, well, except that that’s tantamount to the salesman blaming the customer for not buying the goods. Over in the FT, Martin Wolf thinks the Irish people were right to send the Treaty back to the manufacturers. On two counts:

The first is the notorious passerelle clause, which provides for unanimous agreement to extend majority voting to new areas. But once that happens can individual governments ever reclaim jurisdiction? These are among the many matters left open for decision by the federalist-inclined European Court of Justice. The BMDF publication recalls Sir John Major’s boast when he was British prime minister that the subsidiarity provisions of Maastricht would enable perhaps 25 per cent of EU regulations to be repatriated to member states. Not one has been.

This was an important part of the Libertas pitch. But he notes something else that was perhaps of less concern to the Republic, but is likely to be more important in the UK and other countries:

…the so-called Charter of Fundamental Rights which, unlike the much earlier pre-EU European Convention on the Protection of Human Rights, enshrines collective bargaining and union privileges, is to have the same legal value as the treaties. The UK and Poland have a protocol stating that no extension of EU competence over national labour law is intended But how safe is this exemption?

This brings me to the second eurocrat ambition: to entrench the so-called “European social model”. One aspect of this is that economic policy should more and more reflect the outcome of negotiations between employer and union bodies, preferably at the EU level. If you do not believe me you should look at a study by Deutsche Bank Research of EU labour market policy (May 21 2008). The authors are concerned to shift policy in a more market-friendly direction but have no doubt that this will have to be done in the framework of the “social partnership”.

The old-fashioned name for this process is corporatism, which is often confused with democracy. When, a few years ago, I asked at a Commission-sponsored meeting in Brussels whether we could have the EU without the social partners, I was assailed for being anti-democratic and never invited to these meetings again.

This is one reason why the mainstream left in Ireland, ie Labour and the Unions were broadly in favour of the YES campaign. Locking social partnerships into the European social model may have far reaching consequences in the long term. In the Republic it has put severe limits on the freedom of movement for governments in meeting with the dynamic of change of the last twenty years. Brittan lodges a classic objection to the implementation of the corporatist model on an EU wide basis:

There are dangers in policies determined by producer bodies selected neither by the market nor by a recognised political process. They tend to squeeze out the individual citizen, such as the unemployed worker priced out of a job or the unorthodox craftsman without credentials who could find work in a freer labour market. There are countries such as Austria that, for a time at least, had more success with this model than the UK had with its attempts in the 1970s. These are matters best decided at national level.

He concludes:

The best case that the supporters of Lisbon can make is that this latest treaty is a fairly minor step compared with previous agreements. But if I were in charge of language tuition in Brussels I should require all beginners there to find idiomatic translations into all the 23 official languages for the English saying: “It is the last straw that breaks the camel’s back.”

If some European countries such as Germany and France and a few others want to develop the centralist and corporatist model further, I do not see the objection. Indeed we are likely to see not a two-speed but a multi-speed Europe, even though the British Foreign Office will worry that the UK might not be absolutely sure of a seat at an imaginary top table. Too bad.

However it looks like the European noises off are becoming more conciliatory and the tough talk from the beginning of the week is hushng down. And the EU have now admitted that it has two problem countries not just one.

The full shape and extent of this ‘crisis’ is, even a full week later, is not yet entirely clear.

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  • joeCanuck

    blames the voters for voting on an issue they didn’t understand

    That ridiculous comment shows how little he understands. If the voters didn’t understand it, that’s the fault of the proponents of a “Yes” vote.

    The voters have spoken, the bastards. (with acknowledgement but, sorry, don’t know the source).

  • BfB

    EU to lift sanctions on Cuba…

    What a surprise!!

  • Garibaldy

    A much watered down social model which also includes a dynamic for the expansion of privitisation into additional areas. And let’s not forget the recent European court cases that have damaged workers’ rights, the names of which escape me alas, but which involved ignoring local wage rates in favour of the home rates for migrant workers, and eroding the right to strike.

  • joeCanuck

    Garibaldy,

    which involved ignoring local wage rates in favour of the home rates for migrant workers

    I found that incredible at first until I realized that they must at the same time have made it illegal for shopkeepers, landlords etc to charge the immigrants more than their home rates.
    Does it work in reverse too? Do Romanian employers have to pay Irish folk their home rates?

  • Slugger O’Toole Admin

    Gari,

    Would you mind having a bit of a dig/ask around for those judgements?

  • In John Waters’ da’s day you went to church on Sunday to find out how to vote. Understanding on a personal level wasn’t exactly encouraged.

  • Garibaldy

    Mick,

    I’ll get back to you on that.

  • Garibaldy

    Mick, I’ve emailed a bunch of stuff to your gmail account.

  • Henry94

    I’m a big fan of John Waters and I was sad to see him get involved in the pile-on against the No voters. He talks about his father’s copy of he 1937 constitution being full of notes in the margins and passages underlined.

    I wonder would he have bothered if DeValera had declared that he never read it.

    I’d also remind John Waters of a passage he is familiar with from a great European writer

    And so it happened that in February 1948 the Communists took power not in bloodshed and violence, but to the cheers of about half the population. And please note: the half that cheered was the more dynamic, the more intelligent, the better half.

    Milan Kundera, “The Book of Laughter and Forgetting”

  • abucs

    Which country was that Henry94 ?

  • Henry94

    abucs

    The country was Checkoslovakia.

  • T.Ruth

    It was so unlike the Belfast Agreement. People in the Republic who voted No! were very clear what they were voting down. What about the BA? How many people could read and understand the explanatory copy delivered to their home at that time. I believe that twenty five percent of the Northern Ireland electorate were and remain barely literate and a further twenty five per cent would have had extreme difficulty in understanding what they read.If you don’t believe me check out some of the debate and discussion in our council chambers. Roll on RPA and other vital changes that will remove some of the dross from our political process.
    I have nothing but praise for the No! voters in the Republic-they struck a timely blow for Democracy.
    Lets hope the delay they have induced to the expansion of unmandated European policies will buy time for a Conservative government to come to powere in power in the UK and institute the promised referendum on European development.
    T.Ruth.

  • joeCanuck

    T.Ruth

    If you want to initiate a reading test before being allowed to vote, I’m pretty sure the NAACP will be able to tell you how to effectively do it.