From a Dartmouth parade ground to a Belfast youth club, a Moscow kitchen table and a Tibetan lake, Peter Emerson traces the chance encounters that turned an ex-submariner into a lifelong critic of yes-or-no voting. He also asks what ancient Asia might teach us about deciding things together.
The Government has published no Independent Monitoring Panel report for more than 16 months, and the one report it did publish measured the wrong thing. Worse, the so-called Internal Market Guarantee was never an internal market guarantee at all, but an alternative trade border arrangement.
The Taoiseach’s new constitutional research body will examine three futures for the island: a unitary state, a devolved united Ireland and the status quo. Rather than staking everything on a border poll that may never come, it builds an evidence base, and a set of tools for future taoisigh, that will be useful whatever happens.
Seven months into the year, Stormont still has no budget, and this time there is no collapse to blame. Ministers are sitting and a £1.5bn offer is on the table, but the Finance Minister has made more money from London a precondition. That is a choice, not a crisis.
In 1988, a Moscow paper called Nagorno-Karabakh “our Northern Ireland.” In Part III, Peter Emerson asks why “this or that?” questions divide us, from Belfast to the Balkans, and makes the case for multi-option, preferential voting instead.
Gavin Robinson’s call for unionist electoral co-operation looks back to a past that no longer exists. After the muted response to Drumcree, a growing pro-union constituency wants delivery, consensus and a working Good Friday Agreement rather than “circle the wagons” pacts. This piece asks why the UUP would tie itself to the DUP and TUV.
A Good Relations Week workshop at the Linen Hall Library offered an unusual angle on this year’s theme of ‘Include’: rather than framing inclusion as a goal to be worked toward, it asked how a library collection can embody it. Patsy Horton of the Linen Hall Library and Sam Manning, its outreach and engagement officer, drew on the breadth of the institution’s holdings to trace over two centuries of Belfast’s life and political history, and to explore how archives can …
A public lecture held at Ulster University’s Coleraine campus during Good Relations Week brought a social psychologist’s lens to some of Northern Ireland’s most persistent divisions. The event, titled “Finding Your Place: Belonging in a Changing Northern Ireland”, was introduced by Damian McIlduff and delivered by Dr Bethany Corbett, a lecturer in developmental and educational psychology at Ulster University. A profound human need Dr Corbett opened by reframing what belonging actually means. Far from being a pleasant social comfort, she …
The Orange Order’s right to walk the Garvaghy Road was upheld and loyalism stayed calm, but by following a dissident lead, mainstream nationalism hardened tribal lines and alienated the uncommitted voters it needs to reach 50%.
The Garvaghy Road estates were formed in a few short years by families fleeing intimidation, and that founding story is still being renewed. The law may be clear on the Orange Order’s right to walk, but neither a court ruling nor tribal politics can resolve what only engagement will.
Amid all the tension this week around Drumcree, we all need to unwind. Right? So while we fret about how politicians and the police might handle the Portadown standoff, let’s grab some respite with a TV drama featuring a standoff involving PSNI officers. But before we get into that, a quick reminder. As usual, Slugger will be reviewing each ‘Blue Lights’ episode on the night it airs on BBC1. So if you’ve binge watched all of Series Four today on …
A Garvaghy Road march in current circumstances would achieve little beyond sectarian turbulence. But the Parades Commission’s flawed decision-making has left it damaged goods too — and the way out is new appointments and a cultural accord governing all parades, protests and public events.
The overwhelming majority of police officers are decent, courageous public servants — but a small minority exploit the trust and access of their uniform to prey on vulnerable women seeking help. Rooting them out demands better vetting, sharper supervision, a properly focused Police Ombudsman, and a whole-system commitment to ensuring those entrusted to protect victims are worthy of that trust.
A new report on “the Exodus” — the displacement of Protestant, Unionist and Loyalist families from the West Bank of the Foyle between 1968 and 1998 — finds a prolonged, incremental movement with no single cause, and an experience still awaiting the civic and political acknowledgement that would place it alongside, not against, the memory of CNR communities.
Fleadh Cheoil na hÉireann came to Belfast for the first time and drew a crowd that may make it the biggest ever held. It also put Ulster Scots music in front of an all-island audience and got a DUP deputy First Minister speaking Irish. Ten things the week told us, and one it didn’t.
Blackberry Path is a forthcoming album by Belfast-based songwriter Tia Bow (Fionnuala Fagan-Thiébot), with her bandmates Clare Galway and Danny Trouton. Their one-hour live performance of all of the album’s songs delved into Fagan-Thiébot’s personal narrative, exploring themes of life’s unpredictable journey, self-discovery, friendship, love, loss, care, and hope. The performance took place at the Sanctuary Theatre, itself a former church and space of reflection, and was part of the Eastside Arts Festival. Róisin Whyte provided a support act, singing primarily her own songs …
France’s climate convention implemented 58% of its proposals and reached 78% public awareness, proof a citizens’ assembly can work when a state gives it real authority and resourcing. Sinn Féin’s defeated unity bill had neither, and a wider, patient conversation would serve the question better than a set-piece assembly ever could.
This 4th July, both Irish states will fete America’s founding. But the cherished narrative of Presbyterian Scots-Irish frontiersmen as the backbone of the Revolution obscures the Gaelic Irish written out of the record, the Protestant migration unionists prefer to forget, and the political convenience shaping how both traditions remember.
During a week dominated by Jeffrey Donaldson’s conviction, a quieter story slipped past: the Irish Government’s Shared Island Initiative passed €1 billion in commitments to 2030. From a Stormont cricket ground to a sub-two-hour Belfast–Dublin train, it revives a pragmatism that runs from Seán Lemass straight to Micheál Martin: cooperation without precondition, benefit without constitutional strings. The question now is whether Northern ministers will become active partners or passive recipients.
A “gold standard” poll shows nationalism closing on the union. Reverse the question, keeping the format identical, and unionism’s lead jumps from 6 points to 33. The same biases drive both results. Here’s how question framing quietly sets the political weather in Northern Ireland, and a simple test to level the field.
