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Damian O'Loan has commented 437 times (1 in the last month).

  1. Comment on So what’s a LetsGetAlongerist, and what’s not?
    on 2 April 2014 at 3:00 pm

    People who put reconciliation of communities before their personal ideology or stance on NI’s constitutional status.

    It could be seen as close to demagogy, which I think touches on the false appendix recently added.

    A term employed by those who reject the sincerity of this hierarchy, somewhat like a selfish gene line of argument.

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  2. Comment on In journalism “claims towards neutrality and impartiality and objectivity are bogus.”
    on 10 March 2014 at 12:23 pm

    I’d also recommend using site:sluggerotoole.com as a search engine query, alongside the name/pseudonym in speech marks, e.g. “Mick Fealty” and then the terms you’re interested in, e.g. EU elections. Just in case it helps anyone navigate a little more easily.

    The ability to forget is dead, regardless of rights. Let’s hope the ability to forgive and learn don’t suffer the same fate.

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  3. Comment on PUP Conference encouraged to be self-critical; recognises another marginalised community & adopts pro-Equal Marriage policy
    on 14 October 2013 at 3:38 pm

    Julie-Ann Corr’s speech, and the responses to it, are remarkable.

    It’s easier to be progressive when you’re not trying to hold together a national majority, but that takes nothing away from the courage and eloquence of this contribution. At a time when leadership within the PUL community is often questioned, this deserves attention.

    It certainly changed my perception. I hope they can build support for this policy, and more importantly the inherent shift towards logical policy deduction, among their wider electorate.

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  4. Comment on “À la Bastille!” Again!
    on 14 July 2013 at 6:35 pm

    If NI had a popular campaign now based on the values of le quatorze juillet, what might it be?

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  5. Comment on A clumsy law is a small price to pay to remind us what the Troubles were really about
    on 8 June 2013 at 3:08 pm

    Newton doesn’t give evidence for his claim regarding nationalists and violence, but shouldn’t he acknowledge that the behaviour of the three relevant governments, notably the British, are a major contributing factor to the recognition of any sane person that violence is rewarded?

    Those rewards could be taken away and Newton may argue that this would be inconsequential, but it leaves me wondering what kind of peace agreement would remain.

    It was a peace perhaps designed to bring with it not just a critical mass but even the most hardline, but it shouldn’t be taken for granted given the precedent I mentioned.

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  6. Comment on Reconciliation without truth is the new game in town. But will anyone play?
    on 28 May 2013 at 1:43 pm

    There is a problem with the argument that the British government should be held to a higher standard than the paramilitary groups, given its responsibilities.

    If SF wants to be seen as trustworthy in terms of holding power in any jurisdiction, existing or planned, it needs to hold itself to the same standard. It’s a test of their stature and commitment to the rule of law.

    I think it’s more helpful to consider this as their next move in a process where the two key players recognise that neither considers itself to have an interest in truth disclosure, but neither wishes to appear as the obstacle.

    If proposals like this twin-track are given credence, that choreography will continue to make victims suffer further for the interests of criminals on all sides. This deserves to be dismissed with the contempt that inspired it.

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  7. Comment on What’s the difference between Nationalism and Republicanism?
    on 16 February 2013 at 12:09 pm

    Chris Gaskin makes the most relevant point – that Irish Republicanism has long been closer to nationalism, witness the SF position regarding Europe.

    It’s a pity that so many people identify as one or the other without ever seeming to look into what the term means elsewhere in the world. If they did, I suspect the two would become much less interchangeable. In France and Italy, it’s the difference between the centre parties and the far right. In England, the use of the term, as well as National in party names, is more indicative of the commonly accepted use. How would the SNP react if the BNP were to form the next government?

    Nationalists, in this sense, tend to be uncomfortable with the political theory underpinning republicanism, which is informed by many of the world’s most brilliant minds across centuries. In the US, it’s unfortunate that a hesitation to identify with republicanism means liberalism does not claim the ideals of the constitution as assertively as it might. In NI, it’s unfortunate that an acceptance of nationalism has fostered a divorce from the values of humanism.

    That’s before you consider the contradictions that appear when you precede either with ‘Catholic’…

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  8. Comment on Belfast Project (Boston College tapes): “an invitation to people to engage in deep moral reflection on the consequences of war and political violence”
    on 5 February 2013 at 10:53 am

    Fair points Alan. I think we’re forced to speculate, as helpful as the Judge’s comments are.

    Among other stories, it does serve as a reminder that Republicanism needs to be vocal on the issue of physical threats against those outside the mainstream, or who are seen to have betrayed their cause. It’s a question of gaining the trust of Unionism if nothing else.

    It also leaves the question of whether such an enterprise should be legally possible. The promised conditions seem tantamount to amnesty, which is not something I’d favour, as interesting as the idea sounds in terms of a fair historical record.

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  9. Comment on Belfast Project (Boston College tapes): “an invitation to people to engage in deep moral reflection on the consequences of war and political violence”
    on 4 February 2013 at 1:11 pm

    I’ve mostly been informed by two points of view on the subject of this archive. One is Anthony McIntyre and the other here:

    http://www.newsletter.co.uk/news/headlines/mcconville-death-secrets-in-boston-archive-1-3448045

    Briefly and I hope accurately, it states that the PSNI has an obligation to pursue lines of evidence based on, among other things, victims’ right to justice. There being no exemptions to the law for academics or this project, it follows that the material should be made available in the search for evidence.

    I would extend the logic to say that would be in the search for prosecutions, as Anthony himself suggests, that being the right and proper role of a police force under the rule of law.

    What’s interesting is that I’ve never heard Anthony McIntyre challenge this. His opposition is based on an increased threat to his life that comes not from, presumably, mainstream Republicanism. I’d be interested in his view of how an effective police force should proceed in such a circumstance and what are reasonable expectations for victims to hold regarding the police.

    Great post and great interview, as ever.

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  10. Comment on What’s the Point of the Peace Rallies?
    on 18 December 2012 at 12:48 pm

    “…like the rioters in London a year or so back, I don’t think they really know what they want.”

    Potentially an interesting thread here, not enough attention to this question.

    Two simplistic answers jump to mind:

    1. Abandoning the designated days only policy

    2. Satisfaction that British identity isn’t under threat

    Since nobody is making open requests, it would be interesting to hear from the people taking part.

    And perhaps in future you could see if those who claim to represent them are actually asking for the same thing.

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