Note:  It’s likely than any comments made here will be lost in the move to the new host.

Le Concubhar O’Liathain

  Táim go fll ag su? ar an gclaí maidir le Conradh Liospn.  V?táil mé i gcoinne an Chonartha an uair dheireannach agus is dócha go bhfuil mé claonta sa treo sin an uair seo – ní fheictear dom go bhfuil aon údar agam m’aigne a athrú.

      De réir dealraimh bhí an Taoiseach i gCill Airne le déanaí ag lorg votaí ar son an chonartha – ach ba bheag fograíocht a deineadh faoin chuairt ar eagla go meallfadh sé níos mó ná tacadóirí Fhianna Fáil.

      Ar ndóigh is dhá cheist difriúil iad an fhearg atá ar an bpobal leis an Rialtas agus an suim atá againn i gConradh Liospóin.

      Níl an difríocht chomh soiléir nuair a fheiceann tú ar phostaer FF (a chonaic mé ar an bpriomh bhóthar go Corcaigh) a fhograíonn: “We are stronger with Europe”.  An fadhb atá agamsa leis an bpostaer seo nach bhfuil a fhios agam an bhfuil an ‘We’ sin ag tagairt do Fhianna Fáil nó don tír ina iomláine?  Is minic é curtha in iúl ag ionadaithe an pháirti sin gurb ionann leas Fhianna Fáil agus leas na hÉireann agus leas na hÉireann agus leas Fhianna Fáil.

      An oiread is nach dtéann na mannaí folmha sin ó na mór phairtithe i bhfeidhm orm, ní théann an maíomh ó lucht ‘Níl’ I bhfeidhm orm ach an oiread.  Maíonn siad gur ionann tacú le Conradh Liospn anois agus streachailt na ngl?inte ag leithéidí Wolfe Tone, Robert Emmet agus Pádraig Mac Piarais ar son ‘the right of the people of Ireland to the ownership of Ireland and to the unfettered control of Irish destinies’ a chur ar ceal.

      Nuair a chuimhníonn tú gur sin an seasamh ag Sinn Féin agus an UK Independence Party, uber náisiúnaithe na Breataine, araon, ní chuirfí locht ort as ucht bheith faoi mearbhall.

      Tá an soiniceas i réim anois in Éirinn agus tá amhras ann faoi gach rud a deir gach duine.  Nior gheill mé go dtí seo ach anois táim ag geilleadh.

      Creidim gurb é an t-aon chúis go bhfuil polaiteoirí agus feidhmeannaigh araon ar son an chonartha seo mar go dtugann sé níos mó cumhachta dóibh.  Maith go leor dá mbeadh bannaí ann go mbeadh an cumhacht sin á úsáid ar leas an Aontais agus an ghnath phobal san Aontas, sinne a íocann as ticéad na maorláthach is na bpolaiteoirí ar an ‘gravy train’.  An t-aon dream a bhfaighidh buntáiste as seo ná na maorláthaigh is na polaiteoirí céanna.  I bhfocail Bertie Ahern (geall leis), the gravy train just got gravier.

      Ach ní h-é sin mar a thiteann amach ar chorr ar bith – is amhlaidh gurb é leas na bpolaiteoirí agus na bhfeidhmeannach an chéad chloch ar an bpaidrín ag na polaiteoirí agus ag na feidhmeannaigh agus má tharlaíonn sé go mbionn leas eigean ann don ghnath phobal, ó am go chéile,  nach leor sin chun ár ngearáin a chur ina dtost.

      Níl lucht ‘Níl’ aon phioc níos fearr.  Tá amhras orm go bhfuil leithéidí SF in éadan Chonradh Liospóin de bharr go gcreideann siad go gcothóidh sin íomhá i measc an phobail gurb iad an ‘fíor freasúra’.  Ach mar a fuarthas amach ó thuaidh, nuair a fuair siad suiocháin timpeall bhord an Fheidhmeannais dá dtónacha, shuigh siad ar na suíocháin sin agus ba bheag a d’athraigh siad chun leas an phobail.

      Níl mo sheasamh in éadan Chonradh Liospóin bunaithe ar fhiricí nó staitisticí nó argnt loighici?íil.  Is aisfhreagra é seo a thagann ó mo phutóga.  Tá mé in amhras faoi.  Sin é.

      Is léir go bhfuil amhras ar na bpolaiteoirí faoi nó níl siad ag iarrraidh casadh liom agus mo vóta a lorg mar a dheineann siad nuair a bhionn votaí á lorg acu ar a son féin trath toghcháin.

      Níor nocht polaiteoir ó phairtí ar bith i mo cheantar ag lorg vóta ‘T n? ‘Nil’.  Labhrann siad liom le postaeirí agus suíomhanna idirlín.

      Níl sé sin maith go leor.

      Níl sé maith go leor ach an oiread go bhfuil ar votairí na hÉireann an ualach seo a iompar inár n-aonar de bhrí gur fúinne atá sé ‘T n? ‘Níl’ a bheartú.  Fiú is gur votáil an Isiltír agus an Fhrainnc in éadan an Chonartha, chuir rialtais sa dhá thír cluain ar an bpobal agus sheiftigh siad ionas nach mbeadh guth an phobail le cur san áireamh.  Tá an dhá rialtas sa dhá thír sin tar éis Conradh Liospóin a dhearbhú in ainneoin guth an phobail.

      Tá rud éigean bunusach micheart le sin.  Cuireann sé drochchlú ar an ndaonláthas.

      Mar sin táim buioch don eacnamaí cantalach, Raymond Crotty, laoch i bhfirinne,  a chur iachaill ar an Rialtas le dúshlán dlithiúil ceisteanna mar seo a chur os comhair an phobail.  Tá Ray Crotty anois ar shlí na fírinne ach tá an t-adh linn go bhfagann sé neamhspleachas linn mar oidhreacht.

      Mar chomhartha omóis do, mar chomhartha agóide in éadan paisinéirí is tiománaithe an ‘Gravy Train’ agus mar fainic do na glúinte atá le teacht, táim ag teacht anuas den gclaí chun votáil ‘Níl’.

An cúis go mbeidh mé ag caitheamh vóta i bhfabhar Conradh Liospóin – arís!

Is as luaithreach na hEorpa tar éis an Dara Cogadh Domhanda a d’éirigh an tAontas Eorpach. Tháinig daoine misniúla le chéile ó na tíortha a bhíodh go minic in adharca a chéile leis na céadta bliain roimhe sin, agus bhunaigh comhaontas. An Comhphobal Eorpach do Ghual agus Chruach ar dtúis, mar gurbh iad Gual agus Cruach féitheoga an chogaidh. D’fhás agus d’fhorbair an Aontas, ag bronnadh tréimhse gan réamhshampla síochána agus rathúnais ar a baill.

Ó shin i leith tá ceisteanna eile tagtha chun cinn atá lán chomh tábhachtach le cogadh idir Stáit a sheachaint, agus lán chomh dúshlánach. Tá oll comhlachtaí ann a bhfuil buiséid agus cumhacht acu thar mar atá ag móráin stáit. Tá gá ann le údaráis poiblí teacht le chéile chun dul i ngleic leis an dúshlán sin. Tá coirpigh ag baint feidhm éifeachtach as an domhandú chomh maith – arís, ní mór do rialtais oibriú le chéile chomh héifeachtach céanna.

Tá dúshláin ann san réimse fuinnimh agus comhshaoil nach dtig linn dul i ngleic leo linn féin mar mhion stát. Tá an tAontas níos tábhachtaí ná riamh.
 
Ach anois, tá 27 Stáit sa Chumann comh-chabhrach seo. Tá an rialacha an cluiche casta, agus b’éigean leabhar nua rialacha dréachtú, chun go mbeadh obair an Aontais níos éifeachtaí. Agus is é sin, go bunúsach, atá i gConradh Liospóin – cé go bhfuil sé rud beag níos casta ná sin. Is éard atá i Conradh Liospóin ná liosta leasaithe atá le déanamh ar na Conarthaí. Tá leagan Comhdhlúite le fáil ar shuíomh an Aontas Eorpaigh – anseo. 

Tá an obair seo ag dul ar aghaidh ó 2000, agus is obair chasta í. Ní bheidh aoinne i gcónaí go hiomlán sásta nuair is comhghéilleadh agus margadh idir 27 comhpháirtí atá i gceist. Agus sa chás seo is 27 stát le stair fada i ngach aon Stát, le riachtanais ar léith ag gach aon Stáit, le cúinsí áitiúla le cur san áireamh ag gach aon Stáit…

Feictear domsa, áfach, go bhfuil torthaí fónta san Conradh seo, torthaí a chuireann le gné daonlathach an Aontais, ach a chuireann freisin lena éifeacht. Don gcéad uair, beidh ról cinnte do Parlaimintí Náisiúnta i gcinntí dlí an aontais. Beidh deis ag Parlaimintí beartas dlí a scrúdú, leasaithe a iarraidh, nó diúltú dóibh. Beidh sé ar chumas Parlaimint á éileamh go mbeadh vóta d’aon ghuth ar son moladh a bheadh inghlactha le vótáil tromlach cáilithe seachas sin.

Leathnófar cumhacht an Pharlaimint Eorpach – Parlaimint ina bhfuil ionadaíocht thar mar atá ag dul dúinn ó thaobh daonra againn ann, toisc go bhfuil sé ceaptha cumhacht breise a thabhairt do thíortha beaga. De thoradh a daonra 4.3 milliún duine, beidh 12 chomhalta ag Éirinn i bParlaimint na hEorpa agus beidh an Ghearmáin ina bhfuil daonra 82 mhilliún i dteideal 96 chomhalta sa Pharlaimint (fágann sé sin go bhfuil suíochán amháin ann i gcomhair tuairim is 358,000 duine in Éirinn agus suíochán amháin i gcomhair timpeall 854,000 duine sa Ghearmáin).

Beidh Uachtarán ar an gComhairle Eorpach – ról ar chirte cathaoirleach a thabhairt air. Faoi láthair,  bíonn ceannaire Rialtais gach ball stáit san ról seo ar feadh sé mhí. Ach sách minic, cuirtear moill ar obair an Aontais de bharr an té sin a bheith gafa le ceisteanna polaitíochta sa bhaile – toghcháin nó géarchéim rialtais san áireamh. As seo amach, toghfaidh an PE Uachtarán (mar a thoghann siad an Choimisiún faoi láthair) a fhéachfaidh chuige go mbeidh dlús agus leanúnachas le obair an Chomhairle Eorpach – Rialtas an AE comhdhéanta de ceannairí Rialtais na mBallstát.

Céim chun cinn atá san gConradh seo, céim i dtreo an sprioc uasail atá leagtha síos:

Airteagal 2
Tá an tAontas fothaithe ar luachanna an mheasa ar dhínit an duine, ar an tsaoirse, ar an daonlathas, ar an gcomhionannas, ar an smacht reachta agus an mheasa ar chearta an duine, lena n-áirítear na cearta atá ag daoine ar de ghrúpaí mionlaigh iad. Is comhluachanna ag Ballstáit naluachanna sin i sochaí arb iad is sainairíonna inti an t-iolrachas, an neamhidirdhealú, an chaoinfhulaingt, an ceartas, an dlúthpháirtíocht agus an comhionannas idir mná agus fir.
Airteagal 3
1. Is é is aidhm don Aontas an tsíocháin, a chuid luachanna agus dea-bhail a chuid pobal a chur chun cinn.

Mar sin, Tá a chloisfear uaimse - arís!

Tá dualgas, dá réir sin, ar gach tráchtaire dá bhfuil, an chéad uair a nochtann duine an tuairim, go leataobhach féin, go fiú le camadh a bhéil, le nod a chinn, le hardú mala, le tuin áirithe cainte, an chéad uair a thugtar le fios go ‘gcaithfear amach as an Eoraip’ sinn, tá dualgas ar an tráchtaire a fhiafraí de ‘cén áit a bhfuil sin?’ ‘Cén fhoráil ina bhfuil scríofa?’ ‘Cén t-alt, cén leathanach, cén chaibidil?’

Is fior go mbeidh maithe agus móruaisle agus mórmhaoir agus maorlathaigh agus ceannairí agus ceannfoirt agus captaein agus stiúrthóirí agus súmairí agus srólbharúin na hEorpa an-chrosta linn má sheasaimid ina gcoinne arís. Go deimhin, beidh cuthach buile orthu agus fraoch feirge dá réir.

Ach cé dúirt gur drochní é sin?

...money is still dished out to absolutely hideously bad private operators for unused online courses and the likes.

But this exposes the insanity of the way the Irish language strategy has been piloted. All sorts of grants were available for Gaeltacht schemes - even thought about 70% of the Gaeltacht is now a fiction - and money doled out on making Irish a working Eu language. Imagine - the intricies of Eu protocols being tranlsated into Irish by Irish-trained linguists in Brussels while the last remaining Irish language news publication is allowed to die. There is no more perfect symbol for the self-defeating, wrong-headed, vested-interest driven thing that is state policy on the so called preservation of the Irish language.

There is some dignity in a genuine failure, an honest best-effort which just cannot succeed. But there is nothing noble about the shambolic, incompetent, rivalrous, clique-infested, and costly failure that is our nation’s effort to preserve its still-dying native tongue.

Middle Class Dub a chur ar an eolas mé faoi. Nach iontach gur comhlacht a bheadh clú air mar, bhál ‘quintessentially British’, ach is léir go bhfuil tuighbheál an difiriúil acusan air cad is ciall leis sin ó lucht na Breataine sna Sé Chontae. Caithfidh mé rud beag siopaíocht a dhéanamh ann.

The following is the product description from Amazon, I assume it is from the cover.

In Northern Ireland the Irish language has the power to enrage and enthral. For some, Irish is the expression of a cherished culture, but its close association with nationalism and republicanism means that Protestants and unionists rarely see it in a positive light. History reveals that this was not always the case. For centuries, Protestants engaged with Irish on their own terms, sometimes for academic reasons but often because it was their everyday language and an integral part of their lives. ‘Towards Inclusion’ considers these fascinating historical perspectives, as well as covering the role of the Irish language in Northern Ireland’s more recent past. But the main body of the book is based on Malcolm’s extensive and detailed research into the attitudes of young Protestants towards the Irish language, carried out through questionnaires and focus groups. Some of the students had attended a Gael-Linn language enrichment course, but the rest had little or no exposure to Irish. The results of this research are both striking and surprising, and will provoke fresh debate on the role of the Irish language in Northern Ireland today. In the twenty-first century can Irish become the intellectual property of all, regardless of political stance or religion?

I myself have taught Irish and related subjects in a number of Protestant schools and it was always an interesting an positive experience. I was alway concious however that all the kids were volunteers and that those with very negative views towards Irish were high;y unlikely ever to attend such a class.

The thing which interested all the kids in all schools was their own surnames and their meanings, they were often quite thrilled to learn what their names mean, though I must admitt that some English surnames had me quite stumped!

I hope to see yous at the launch so.

The news of the predicament, of Foinse the Irish language weekly newspaper, reached me on Tuesday evening and is reported in today’s papers and while it was shocking it was hardly surprising.  In fact it was familiar. After all, I had been here before during my time as editor of the now sadly departed Lá Nua, the Irish language daily newspaper.  We, too, were dependent on Foras na Gaeilge to provide a bulk of our funding as we published a daily newspaper five days a week from 2003 to the end of 2008.  When we pointed out to Foras na Gaeilge that our newspaper was losing money and in danger of folding, they told us to make do with what we had and sat back on their hands as the newspaper limped towards eventual extinction.  They pooh poohed our proposal to publish on the internet as a daily PDF with a weekly printed omnibus edition and said it wasn’t allowed for in the contract.  And that was that.

The situation with Foinse is slightly different.  The weekly newspaper located in An Cheathrú Rua received grant aid which was substantially more than that received by Lá Nua (Foinse received €320,000 per year - Lá Nua’s grant was in the region of €240,000) but also generated a large chunk of change in advertising revenue, the vast majority of it from the public service and government departments and agencies in the south.  In fact, according to figures filed by the newspaper, Foinse generated a profit of €192,000 in 2006 and €99,000 in 2007. Figures for 2008 aren’t yet available but their projections for 2009 are a loss of staggering proportions in their own terms, approximately €300,000.  This profit to loss situation came about as the economic crisis hit the public service last year and public servants scrambled hither and thither to cut unnecessary spending.  A yet to be closed loophole in the Official Languages Act 2003 means that public sector advertising isn’t required to be bilingual in the south and this loophole was seized upon by those in charge of the public purse, with disastrous consequences for Foinse.  Public sector advertising was never a significant factor in the funding of Lá Nua as it received so little because of its location north of the border (and the partitionist mentality of the public sector in the south) that this cutback had little or no effect.

So why should we care about the departure of a lossmaking newspaper?  Well there are a number of reasons.  Foinse, Lá Nua and other Irish language organisations, other projects in, for instance, the arts and community work, all form part of the social fabric of Irish society.  The first resort of the bureaucrats appears to be to shred this social fabric rather than, for instance, apply the cutting knife closer to home with significant cutbacks on their own benefits.  This warped sense of priorities is exemplified in the behaviour of Foras na Gaeilge, the main funding body for the Irish language on this island.  While overseeing a situation in which one Irish language newspaper, which was established in 1984, was lost and the other is in danger of going the same way, the Foras has been busily augmenting its staff and increasing the bureaucratic burden.  Sometime back in the early years of the millennium, when times were better and public money flowed more freely,  the Foras applied for additional staff from the North South Ministerial Council and were told they could increase their complement of staff from 39 to 65.  At the end of 2008, the Foras had 49 staff on its books. In February 2009, it advertised for five additional staff.  The combined salaries for this new intake was about €200,000, approximately the same amount of money saved by the closure of Lá Nua at the end of December.  Theoretically at least, because the Foras was operating in February on the basis of the same budget as it had in 2008 for 2009 as it had not been cut in the emergency budget announced in October last year.  (The cut did come in the April Emergency Budget)  But rather than making the savings available to Foinse to augment that newspaper’s services, the money was spent on recruiting adminstrators, a receptionist for the Foras’ cavernously empty offices at Westgate House on the corner of Castle Street and Queen Street in central Belfast, and a translator.

I hold no brief for Foinse but my concern here is the state of Irish language print journalism and, by extension, Irish language literature as the two are linked.  People who read Irish language newspapers are more likely to read Irish language books. And who’s responsible for the funding of Irish language books - you’ve guessed it - Foras na Gaeilge.  A few thousand people per day read Lá Nua, more again on the internet.  Foinse is claiming sales of between 4,000 and and 6,000 copies weekly.  And they distribute the newspaper in PDF format (a practice pioneered by Lá Nua in Ireland) on the internet on a subscription basis.  A publisher told me that the average sale of an Irish language book is under 200 copies!  All this isn’t surprising - neither Lá Nua, Foinse or Irish language books had access to a reasonable marketing budget.  They eked out an existence and depended on their loyal readers to spread the good word.  Their priority was production and publication and they paid the price in the case of Lá/Lá Nua - and look like they will pay the price in the case of Foinse.

Still you may ask - why should I care about the loss of another loss making Irish language newspaper?  After all they didn’t do marketing, so they died the death.  Indeed.  You should care.  Instead of spending public money on the provision of literature and journalism in Irish which people were actually reading, vast amounts of public money is actually being spent on translating public documents from English to Irish which nobody will read in either language - or more accurately significantly fewer people will read in either language.    Recently, for instance, in a display of Kafkaesque extravagance in a time of tightening belts, the Minister for Community, Rural and Gaeltacht Affairs, Éamon Ó Cuív announced that he was establishing a second translation unit within his own department.  This would be headed by a Director of Translations on a salary of up to €130,000 per year.  The task to be undertaken by this person would be to organise the translation of almost 50,000 pages of statutory instruments from English to Irish and, also, as an after thought, to revise the Official Standard of Irish.  The cost of this project has been estimated, conservatively, at between €3m and €5m and could be a lot more than that. 

Apparently the Government has allowed this to go ahead because it follows on a Supreme Court judgement.  Whatever about the wisdom of such a judgement at the best of times, the timing of it and the consequences seem particularly perverse in the light of the most recent developments.

If Foinse is to publish its last edition this weekend, that will be sad indeed, not least for the ten people working at the newspaper but for its readers and for the Irish language community throughout the world.  It will be all the more infuriating as it comes hot in the heels of the loss of Lá Nua - to borrow a phrase, to lose one Irish language newspaper could be considered to be unfortunate, to lose two (in the space of six months) is careless indeed of the all island body charged with the promotion of Irish.

There appears to be some political support for Foinse. Senator Joe O’Toole was heard on Nuacht TG4 last night calling for urgent action while Senator Piaras Ó Dochartaigh of Sinn Féin raised a rumpus in the Seanad yesterday which led to his ejection from the chamber.  In light of my own experiences with Sinn Féin and its on-off commitment to the Irish language, I might remind the Senator from Gaoth Dobhair, who recently admitted on Raidio na Gaeltachta that Cumann meetings of his party are run through English in the Gaeltacht, that he could lift the phone to his four party colleagues who sit on the board of Foras na Gaeilge and who, theoretically, have some interest in the matter to get their fingers out and do something practical. But then again I’m not sure that Sinn Féin is interested in doing any more than rattling their broken commitments in their empty of meaning manifestos. 

WIll this be sufficient to sway Foras na Gaeilge.  It seems unlikely at this stage.  As Foinse’s proprietor, Pádraig Ó Céidigh, is projecting losses of €300,000 to the end of the year and Foinse is only being offered an additional €35,000 per year, that sum being conditional on a signficant upgrading of their interent service and the production of more pages etc, the gap seems to wide to be bridged by the Foras unless they are hit be a Road to Damascus conversion and suddenly see the light.

What will the Minister do?  After all he is currently nursing a soon to be published plan to revitalise the Irish language in Ireland and to produce, within 20 years, at least 250,000 daily speakers of Irish, the critical mass which will save the language for future generations.  How does the demise of Irish language print journalism and literature, on his watch, sit with that plan, whenever it is to be published?  There is also the more politically pressing matter - Foinse is located in his own Galway West constituency and in the recent local elections, the Fianna Fáil representation from the electoral area from which he derives most support was halved from four to two councillors.  I will leave it with the readers to decide how he will resolve this conundrum.  I might add, however, that he does have at his disposal a fund, Ciste na Gaeilge, amounting to €6m.  This was hit by controversy last year when it emerged that Comhalas Ceoltóirí Éireann, a great organisation for the promotion of Irish traditional music but not renowned particularly for its efforts to promote An Ghaeilge, was awarded €3m from Ciste na Gaeilge.  This award was despite the fact that Comhaltas had only applied for €50,000 and the fact that Comhaltas is headed by Fianna Fáil senator, Labhas Ó Murchú, had nothing to do with the generosity of the award, the Minister was at pains to stress when it came to light.  (The matter has since been resolved as the money was transferred from Ciste na Gaeilge to the Department of Arts, Sport and Tourism and onwards to Comhaltas ).

There are also ‘noises off’ about the future of Foras na Gaeilge, a body which is becoming an ever more significant presence on the radar of English language newspapers, especially those it hasn’t bought off with marketing wheezes which generally net those newspapers considerable windfalls. Last year, a teach yourself Irish cd distributed with the Irish Indepenedent netted the cash strapped Gaeilgeoir, Tony O’Reilly, €65,000!  Foras na Gaeilge hasn’t published annual accounts or reports for the years 2005-2008 yet.  It was in February this year that it published the its annual report and accounts for 2004.  It isn’t bound by the Freedom of Information legislation, north or south, being a cross border body and in all my years of experience with the Foras, it has never been proactive in proffering information.  Last year it engaged a highly prestigious PR firm to draft a communications strategy - but the press release section of its very expensive website (approximately €70,000 per year according to 2004 figures) contained only fourteen press releases from the Foras.

It should survive the calculations of Bord Snip being a crossborder body set up following the Good Friday Agreement.  But will it survive in its current all Ireland format as Minister Ó Cuív is reportedly considering a reconfiguration of the promotion of Irish and this includes the revamping of Údarás na Gaeltachta to take over the role for the promotion of Irish in towns outside the Gaeltacht throughout Ireland.  The talk has been of Údarás na Gaeilge and whether that would change the dynamic, given that Údarás for all its faults has an elected board and is partly accountable to the electorate as well as having a go-ahead and very progressive Chief Executive, Pádraig Ó hAoln at the helm.

As can be seen from what appears above, this is a tangled web indeed.  But where does it leave Foinse? Out of the ashes of L? Nua arose An Druma Mór/Nuacht 24, a web based publication of high quality.  It survives on the goodwill and hardwork of its pioneering editor, Eoghan Ó Néill. and his team of volunteers.  I have a subscription to the newspaper and I got my first print edition, 12 A3 photocopies pages in full colour stapled together, in the post last week.  Nuacht 24 gets not one red cent from Foras na Gaeilge and it would be heartening to think that Foras might provide the newspaper with some funding if Foinse were to go under, however tainted that money might be, life does go on, but it’s unlikely in the extreme.  More likely Foras will readvertise in the vainglorious expectation that there is a queue of groups out there with money to burn by producing an Irish language newspaper.  If they do find one sucker  prospective partner, Foras will find out, the hard way, that it is a great deal more expensive to start up a new newspaper than it is to maintain one already in existence.

While the emphasis has been on promoting Irish on a community basis in places like Belfast and Derry, the emphasis of some - not all - Irish language organisations in the south has been on the legal status of Irish, an emphasis which has led to the current situation in which investment in translation is being prioritised over investment in front line projects.  That this occurs at a time of economic crisis, when bureaucrats and politicians are throwing all forms of social capital (public transport, public service broadcasting, health services) overboard as they fill the lifeboats on the SS Hibernia and leave the rest of us with barely a lifeboat to survive in the chilly depthys, represents a perfect storm for the Irish language and its community.  It will survive but no thanks to Foras na Gaeilge and the Irish Government.  All gratitude will go to the likes of Eoghan Ó Néill and Tomaí Ó Conghaile of nós*, another high quality Irish language magazine which is getting no grant aid, b and others who are heroically manning the helm despite everything that’s being thrown at them.

If there’s ever to be an effort on a par with Lá Nua or Foinse again, and this is not to dismiss the work of An Druma Mór etc, there needs to be an independent fund created by Gaeilgeoirí and all those who appreciate diversity in the media.  I made such a proposal before and got a few takers - I wonder if there are any more takers today.

Bíodh acu, tá an cheart sin acu ach níor athraigh vóta scríosta faic riamh i mo thuairim. Ar a laghad tá súil agam go luaifidh lucht scríosta vótaí leis n a polaiteoirí agus iad ag dul thart cad chuige a bhfuil seo ar bun acu.

B’fhearr liom dul bealach an Chonartha is an pholaitíocht a úsáid seachas neamhaird soineanta a dhéanamh air.

The report found that 40% are in favour of ‘revival’, 53% wanted ‘preservation’ according to the reasearch.

6.7% wanted the language ‘discarded’. Readers of say the Irish Independent may be shocked at that low number but I think we should take it that many of the commentators who hold very negatitive views towards the language do not have the support they claim, they do not speak for ‘the people of Ireland’.

The report also found positive attitutes towards the language from ‘foriegn nationals’.

The report had concerns with the treatment of Irish in the education system.

I myself believe that an education throught Irish should be a constitutional right, thirty percent of the population have indicated a preference for IME, and that is what they should have, it is not good enough to provide for IME only after English medium is secured, in too many of our remaining Gaeltachtaí are native speaking children denied an education through Irish as they are a minority in a school or more shockingly, to accomadate an English speaking minority.

It is not permitted to set up a Gaelscoil in the ‘Gaeltacht’ by the way.

Having said that, one should never put all your eggs in one basket and I feel that it is true to say that the rise of the Gaelscoil movement has seen a paralell decline in Irish in the English medium sector, something which needs to be addressed.

I have seen the language taught in English medium primary schools in the North and I have to say I was inspired but the quality, a number of schools I could only describe as bilingual, somewhere between a Gaelscoil and full English medium.

If that quality could be replicating in the South, then the fortunes of the Irish language would be truely transformed.

Silím féin má tá tú ag blagáil agus muise tá daoine ag blagáil go bhfuil an cheart agat blagáil cibé dóigh ab mhaith leat agus fair play duit.

Ag an am céanna, más ag ceapadh blagadóireacht mar chuid de mheán cumarsáide na Gaeilge atá muid silím féin gur cheart do dhaoine iarracht a dhéanamh a bheith chomh beacht agus is féidir.

Tá measarthacht ar gach rud is dócha.

Tuigím áfach go bhfuil sé doiligh a dhéanamh. Tá daoine ag ceartú mo chuid Gaeilge i dtólamh agus tá le fiche bhliain, cha chuireann sé isteach nó amach orm ach éiríonn sé tuirsiúil is dócha, rud mí-nadúrtha amach is amach dar liomsa. Deirfinn go bhfuil difear ann idir a bheith ag súil le Gaeilge scríofa a bheith beacht agus a bheith ag dúil le Gaeilge labhartha a bheith foirfe? Bhur mbarúileacha?

Ní féidir a shéanadh go bhfuil an galar de nós seo beo leis i saol na Gaeilge go fóill, is mór mo dhíoma fá sin.

Le hAnton Mac Cába

(first published Foinse 28 February 2009)

Ní bheidh an DUP sásta glacadh le hAcht Gaeilge, dar leis an oifigeach pholásaí a dhréachtaigh aighneacht an DUP maidir leis an Acht don phróiséas comhairliúcháin.

Tá dhá thaobh leis an Ghaeilge, dar le Clive McFarland: “Ag amharc ar an Ghaeilge go teibí, leis féin, níl dochar ar bith ann. Ach dála go leoir rudaí sa tír seo, ní féidir amharc air mar theanga. Tá an pholaitíocht agus an stair fite-fuaite tríd.

“Rinne Sinn Féin oiread le dochar a dhéanamh don Ghaeilge agus a rinne Aondachtóir ar bith. Bhain cuid acu úsáid as mar dhóigh leis an streachailt náisiúnach-poblachtach a chur chun cinn. Níl an SDLP gan locht. Ar a laghad, tig leis an SDLP é a labhairt.”

Tá ceisteanna eile ann. Dar leis gurb ionann Acht Gaeilge agus Gaeilge a thoghadh amach thar teangacha eile: “Go fiú gan Béarla a chur san áireamh, ní hí an Ghaeilge an teanga is mó a labhartar. Tá ceist ann sa phobal Síneach. Tá daoine anseo le tríocha nó daichead bliain, go háirithe mná aosta, agus ní thig leo úsáid a bhaint as seirbhísí mar nach bhfuil Béarla acu. Na hinimircigh nua a tháinig isteach ó Oirthear na hEorpa, tá seirbhísí de dhíth orthu ina dteangacha féin.

“Tá an bharúil ann gur cuireadh le lion na gcainteoirí sa daonáireamh. Má thig leat ‘Aer Lingus’ agus ‘tiocfaidh ár l a r?, fágann sin gur Gaeilgeoir mise.”

Bheadh impleachtaí diúltacha ann maidir le caidreamh idir an dá phobal dá gcaithfí leis an Ghaeilge ar bhonn speisialta. Tá dearcadh diúltach i leith na Gaeilge sa phobal Aondachtach, bíodh is nach bhfuil sin chomh láidir agus a bhí.

Dar le McFarland go bhfuil an DUP sásta glacadh leis an Ghaeilge: “Na samplaí atá ann ná mar a bhaineann le hainmneacha sráide. Sa chuid is mo de na ceantaracha, níl fadhb ann, an dóigh mar a bhfuil an Tuaisceart, nó gur ceantaracha Protastúnacha nó Caitliceacha atá iontu.

“Ceantar mar a bhfuil an meascán níos cothromaí, creideann daoine go mbaintear úsáid as leis an cheantar a mharcáil mar bheith bainte le pobal amháin nó pobal eile.” Dar leis gur baineadh úsáid as bratacha dílseacha ar an dóigh céanna.

Gheall an Clár Rialtais go mbeadh maoiniú ann don Ghaeilge, agus níl rún baint de sin: “Is féidir sin a chur i bhfeidhm gan Acht bheith riachtanach. Níl Acht de dhith leis an teanga a fhorbairt.”

Tá an DUP i bhfabhar Albanís Uladh a fhorbairt, ar an bhonn nach bhfuil an gréasán nó na stráitéisí chomh forbartha agus atá ag an Ghaeilge: “Níl duine ar bith ag caitheamh amhrais ar chomh fírínneach agus atá an Ghaeilge mar theanga. Mhothaigh mé daoine ag rá nach bhfuil san Albanís Ultach ach ‘Béarla le blas an Bhaile Mhéanaigh’.”

Cothaíonn an feachtas ar son Achta na Gaeilge fadhbanna, dar leis: “Is deacair Sinn Féin agus an SDLP a fheiceáil ag cúlú. Agus dá mhéid a bhrúnn Sinn Féin, is mó a bheidh daoine cinnte deimhin go bhfuil siad ina éadán.”

Dar leis go bhfuil an Ghaeilge níos feiceálaí anois, fios ag Aondachtóirí go bhfuil sé ann: “Níl sé de rún ag an DUP é a bhrú ar gcúl. Sa Chlár don Rialtas, tá gealltanas ann. Tá aitheantas de dhíth ar an dá theanga.

“Tagann cuid mhór arais chuig cúrsaí airgid. Nuair a thosnaíonn tú, beidh ort é a dhéanamh do seacht nó ocht dteanga. Tá níos mó cainteoirí Síníse Mandarin ann ná mar a bhfuil de chainteoirí Gaeilge agus Albaníse Uladh lena chéile. Nach bhfuil an maoiniú céanna tuilte acu?”

“Tá cur chuige ag cuid mhór grúpaí Gaeilge atá bunaithe ar chearta, atá iontach costasach, go bhfuil airgead as cuimse i gceist, go háirithe ag amharc ó Feabhra 2009. Tá daoine ag caint ar deireadh a chur le hoidis saor in aisce agus taisteal saor in aisce do phinsinéirí.”

“Tá an bharúil amuigh ansin gur mhaith linn an Ghaeilge a bhascadh díreach ar mhaithe len é a dhéanamh. Ní sin mar atá. Beidh maoiniú, beidh cur chun cinn, mar sa rialtas caithfidh an DUP cloí le dlithe cothromais.

“Bhí Edwin (Poots) agus Gregory (Campbell) mar airí ag rá go raibh luach mhór cultúrtha agus teangeolaíochta ann. Ní bagairt an teanga ann féin. Tá sé iontach deacair ag an duine gur mhaith leis an Ghaeilge mar theanga, iontach deacair a thuiscint an bhagairt a fheiceann daoine ann.”

D’fhoghlaim máthair McFarland féin Gaeilge agus í ar an bhunscoil i mBaile na mBreathnach, ar imeall na Gaeltachta Láir i nDún na nGall. “Thaitin an Ghaeilge go mór léi mar ábhar ar scoil,” ar seisean. “Ach d’aistrigh sí go Tír Eoghan nuair a bhí sí bliain déag, agus tá dearmad déanta aici air.”

Is é an Dr. Feargal Mac Ionnrachtaigh arbh as Baile Mhic Mhurfaí dó ó dhuchas a bheas ag tabhairt na cainte seo agus is ar phd. s’aige féin a bheas an chaint bunaithe. Deirtear liom go gcuirfear fearadh na fáilte roimh chách, is i nGaeilg a bheas an chaint dar ndóigh.

Chuala mé Feargal ag caint ar an ábhar seo cheanna agus cé nár aontaigh mé le gach rud a raibh a mhaíomh aige, níl amhrás ar bith ann ná gur duine iontach acadúil amach is amach é agus go bhfuil an-taighde agus machnamh déanta aige ar an ábhar.

Le hAnton Mac Cába
(first printed Tyrone Herald 19 January 2009)

Ba bhuille trom d?r gcomh-Gaeil in Alban an Céad Cogadh Mór (First World War). Bhí sé 90 bliain agus Lá Cinn Bliana ó tharla an tubaiste (disaster) aonair (single) ba mhó dar bhuail Gaeil na hAlban ó bhriseadh (defeat) Blàr Chùil Lodair (Culloden) i 1745. Báthadh 205 an 1 Eanair 1919, gurb as Oileáin Leòdhas agus na Hearadh sna hInse Gall (Hebrides) do 181. Bhí siad ar an Iolaire, a chuaigh go tóin (sank) go luath maidin an 1 Eanáir 1919.
Rinneadh comóradh (commemoration) orthu 90 bliain agus lá an tubaiste, ag Steòrnabhaigh ar Leòdhas sna hInse Gall (Hebrides). Ina measc a bhí ann bhí Marion Mhic Leòid, 94 bliain d’aois, gur cailleadh a hathair.
Bhí na mairbh a mbealach arais ón gCéad Cogadh Mór. B’ionann a líon (number) agus 20% d’iomlán marbh Leòdhais sa Chéad Cogadh Mór – ach an cogadh bheith thart ag an am.
Ba luamh (yacht) de chuid an Chabhlaigh Ríoga (Royal Navy) é an Iolaire. Bhí ar a laghad (least) 280 ar bord nuair a sheoil sé ó Caol Loch Aillse (the Kyle of Lochalsh) ar tír mhór go mall an 31 Nollag. Ní raibh báid tarrthála (lifeboats) ach fá choinne 100, agus criosanna tarrthála (lifebelts) fá choinne 80. Ba de bharr an gnáth-bád farantóireachta (ferryboat) bheith plódaithe (crowded) a baineadh úsáid as an Iolaire.
Bhí an oíche ciúin ag an tús, ansin d?irigh an ghaoth. Sheoil an Iolaire díreach isteach i mBiastan Thuilm, carraigeacha ag béal chalafoirt Steòrnabhaigh. Chuaigh sé faoi i bhfarraige gharbh agus é 20 troigh (feet) ón gcladach.
Cheangal fear de mhuintir Mhic Leòid ón Nìs ropa thart air féin gur shroich talamh tirim. D?irigh leis dhá scór fear a tharraingt slán go talamh.  D?irigh le fear amháin dul suas ar chrann (mast) an Iolaire, gur fhan ann go maidin. Shroich deartháir an fhir seo Caol Loch Aillse an lá roimhe, gur fhan ansin le go mbeadh siad beirt ábalta teacht abhaile lena chéile. Báthadh an fear a d’fhan.
Bhí fiosrúchán (inquiry) ag an Chabhlach Ríoga, mar nár foilsíodh na sonraithe (details) go 1970. Dhearbhaigh (proved) fiosrúchán poiblí go ndearna oifigigh an Iolaire fáillí (neglect) ina ndualgaisí (duties) maidir le stiúradh an bháid, agus go ndearna an Cabhlach Ríoga fáillí chomh maith.
Tuigimid anseo go gcuireann eachtra mar sin tráma ar phobal ar fad. Réab an tragóid an croí as an oileán. Sna 20idí, bhí an-imirce (emigration) ó na hInse Gall. Mí Aibreáin 1923 d’imigh 600 go Ceanada ar dhá long san aon seachtain amháin. Bhí sé 41 bliain go dtí gur tógadh leacht cuimhneacháin (memorial) do mairbh an Iolaire. Níor labhair daoine faoi go cionn (for) beagnach 50 bliain.
Tá aithne ar Ana Frater mar fhile Gàidhlige. Labhair mé léi faoin eachtra (event), nó b? a scríobh an dán mór ‘Màiri Iain Mhurch’ Chaluim’ faoi. Is rud iontach pearsanta aici an tragóid, cé gur beagnach 50 bliain ina dhiaidh a rugadh í. Báthadh a sin-seanathair (great-grandfather). Tháinig a sean-athair ar thaobh a máthair abhaile ón gCogadh an oíche céanna, é ar an bhád eile a sheoil ó Caol Loch Aillse.
Agus mé ag caint léi, ba léir go gcuireann ar tharla fearg uirthi. “Taobh amuigh de Leòdhas agus na Hearadh, níor aithníodh (recognized) an rud a tharla,” ar sise. “Bhí sé ar an tubaiste mara ba mhó ag an Ríocht Aontaithe (United Kingdom), seachas an Titanic. Ag an comóradh 90 bliain, bhí an radio agus teilifís Gáidhlige ar dóigh (excellent). Agus muid ag caint ar na mór-mheáin (main-stream media), bhí sé feiceálach (visible) nach raibh siad ann.”
Tharla an tost faoin úafás ina teaghlach féin: “Chaill mó sheanmháthair féin a h-athair. Bhí fhios againn sin, ach níor labhair sí faoi riamh go dtí gur tháinig stráinséar ón radió áitiúil.”
Tig leat teacht ar dhán Anna. Bain triail as é a léamh.