How thoroughly, fundamentally, demonstrably and serially incompetent must a Minister be before Executive colleagues, departmental committee members and MLAs collectively, round upon them and hound them from office? I only ask, because Caitriona Ruane—-whose level of ineptitude appears to be incalculable—-remains in a job at which she has proved herself utterly unsuitable. And it’s not just the fact that the scale of her uselessness is of epic proportions; it’s also the fact that every question or criticism is greeted with an arrogant disdain or a patronising putdown.
At the same time Kane is hardly a mainstream media figure. At the news, as opposed to the comment end of the industry, the party put on an extremely bizarre show at Stormont today when it called a number very senior members of the local press corps to tell them, well, that she had finally finished her consultation and would be announcing it on the 15th. The irritation and bemusement was obvious amongst some.
What does not seem to have dawned on the Minister or her party is that its credibility on this issue is diminishing week by week. Last Thursday John O’Dowd told The Politics Show that the Bishop of Derry and Raphoe had pulled the Catholic Grammar’s back into line and that the vast majority of Northern Ireland schools would back the Minister’s proposals. The Minister herself was confident that the schools were behind her.
Then as Fair Deal reports today, 2/3 of school principals have no confidence in the Minister. Nearly half of Catholic school heads don’t either.
There is no doubt the minister has been under the cosh from the outset. But this is final proof that there is considerable unease within the system about the way she has handled her brief. Mr Butler’s defence, ie that “some of these want to protect the privileges they gained through the old system; and others are political opponents being entirely opportunistic. We want this process of change to be as smooth as possible but equally, we are prepared for a battle.”
Sinn Fein is right to look for fights. They are a political party with a point to prove to their own base. But let’s be clear. This is not a fight with the media. It is also with the very people who’s good will is crucial to carrying forward the reforms his party believe are so crucial for the future wellbeing of education in Northern Ireland.
Furthermore, it is not a fight they can convincingly win….
Scorched Earth is a military tactic which involves destroying anything that might be useful to the enemy while withdrawing from an area. The current tactics of both Catriona Ruane and Edwin Poots have certain similarities.
Ruane is unable to truly realise her vision of ending academic selection and as such, having ensured the destruction of the 11 plus itself, seems intent on placing as many road blocks in front of the grammar schools and any others who still wish to retain academic selection. Of course she proclaims that she is about to produce concrete proposals but apart from a rather vague set of suggestions about transfer at age 14 we have seen little. As I have suggested previously it is not necessarily Ruane’s job to do this alone but it is her job to instruct civil servants to draw up plans. If she were doing this she could easily show us parts of this work in progress to demonstrate that she does indeed have a plan. Her failure to do so does seem to imply that if she cannot properly end academic selection she will simply create chaos both by incompetent inaction and indeed incompetent action. Essentially an educational scorched earth policy. I see that the UUP are trying to remove Ruane’s power to decide on post primary education. This is an interesting suggestion but I am most suspicious that the mutual veto will scupper such a plan.
Poots
Moving on to our next scorched earther: Poots. In his case I am yet again brought back to Hamlet. When Hamlet says “To be, or not to be, that is the question” some suggest that he is proposing suicide by doing nothing. Or to change to another analogy Poots seems a little like a latter day Diogenes making a virtue of sitting in Stormont doing nothing regarding the Irish language, the Maze etc. Of course unlike Diogenes, Poots does not live in a tub, seems disinclined to wander about with a lamp in broad daylight and does not do too many mad things in public though Pete Baker might disagree on that last one.
The problem of course is that Poots has been put in the Department of Culture to do precisely nothing: nothing about the Irish language and nothing about the stadium. If he wanted the Maze he would have to have the shrine or SF would veto the whole idea. The other possible venues are also very likely to be vetoed. I suppose the DUP’s worry was that if SF had had culture they might have pushed the Irish language via ministerial guidance, hence, by passing the veto. As such Poots has to sit doing nothing about these issues and getting frequent abuse for his trouble.
These two ministers demonstrate in stark relief the abject idiocy of our mechanism of government. Due to the mutual veto any controversial constructive action can be vetoed. (By constructive here I merely mean an active change introducing something new.) What cannot be vetoed is a destructive or negative controversial action. Hence, whilst Ruane can end the 11 plus she cannot produce anything new (even if she were personally capable of such a thing). Poots can stop the Maze or the ILA but cannot produce anything positive lest it be vetoed.
In his recent speech to QUB Democratic Unionist Association Robinson claimed that “...it is the Executive which is in charge not disparate ministers acting to their own narrow party political agenda.” He is of course half correct. Individual ministers cannot start new projects and proposals without executive approval. They can, however, as Ruane (and previously Ritchie) have shown stop things without executive approval.
So as long as the DUP is prepared to stop things and prevent things then they may be relatively content. However, if they do have positive ideas regarding the future they will only be able to enact them with the help of SF. That help will of course come at a very considerable price. Robinson knows full well that his own party’s political agenda is just as impossible to advance without SF’s help as SF’s is without his help. This then is one of the fundamental problems of the current system of government. Unlike most coalitions we do not have true cabinet government, and the parties are so divergent in their aims that expecting this to be “one of the most governments anywhere” is just silly.
I know that the DUP have previously intimated that they would like to see the situation changed and these issues addressed; I am inclined to believe them. Again, however, due to the nature of the veto and the mandatory coalition, I do not think this is possible.
The quote is from Alex Maskey in last night’s Spotlight discussion on the devolution of policing and justice. He’s referencing those “very firm” British government commitments again. And the ‘unacceptability’ of it all to his party.. If, like Mark Carruthers, you’re still confused about target dates and deadlines here’s a recent post on where we’re at. The clip is unfortunately truncated but the parties’ various positions are made. See the iPlayer for the full programme.
Northern Ireland’s current Finance Minister, and expected next First Minister, the DUP’s Peter Robinson, asked Gordon Brown about the second Varney Review [of competitiveness], to follow his previous review of taxation, during Prime Minister’s Questions today and called for the UK government’s response in time for the upcoming US investment conference. As RTÉ reports that review has been published. NI Secretary of State Shaun Woodward has welcomed the “roadmap to prosperity” and the review itself is available here. PDF file direct link here. RTÉ gives an interesting summary.
In today’s review, Mr Varney indicates that the North’s strengths include a young population, an excellent education system and strong transport links. However, he recommends several reforms to further boost competitiveness.
Recommendations include the transfer of many public sector services to the private sector and greater co-operation with the Irish Government and agencies like the IDA in the development of an all-island economy.
Sir David’s Review identifies a number of core strengths that make Northern Ireland a good place to do business and attractive to a wide range of investors. These strengths include a young population, an excellent education system, macroeconomic stability, strong transport links with the rest of the UK, Ireland and Europe and ambitious plans for further infrastructure investment. These strengths – alongside a range of investment incentives – have already attracted notable inward investment, and seen some of the strongest growth in output of any UK region.
The Review makes the case that increasing globalisation will bring a number of new challenges to the Northern Ireland economy in the years ahead, as emerging economies compete increasingly in a range of sectors. To succeed in the face of this growing competition, Northern Ireland will need to continue to raise its relatively low productivity and employment rates and reduce the number of low-skilled workers in the economy.
Sir David found that the Northern Ireland Executive has responded well to many of these challenges, and welcomes the priority given to the economy in Northern Ireland’s Programme for Government and the strategies developed to support economic development. The Review concludes that the Executive should now focus on the rapid and effective implementation of those strategies.
To boost the competitiveness of the Northern Ireland economy further, the Review recommends action in a number of areas, including:
deepening and intensifying public sector reform, in particular increasing the role of the private sector in the delivery of core public services and transferring non-core services to the private sector in order to help stimulate its growth;
ambitious labour market and welfare reform, aimed at increasing the employment rate and reducing the number of people on Incapacity Benefit;
more employer-led skills training to help tackle weaknesses in the stock of skills in the labour market, which is a legacy from the past;
ensuring a joined up approach between Invest Northern Ireland, UK Trade & Investment and the Irish Industrial Development Agency (IDA) to market Northern Ireland to the full; and
continuing development of the all-island economy with the Irish Government, supported by the UK Government, including increased trade, movement of labour and capital, tourism, energy markets and financial services as well as many other sectors.
While chuckling hasn’t seemed to have proved too popular here, Magnus Linklater argues Alex Slamond’s cheeky grin has helped overcome a lack of SNP delivery on election promises and highly limited legislative programme and for all Brown’s seriousness it is doing him no favours. However, can it continue to work in the longer-term?
His speech, before a joint session of Congress at 11 a.m. in Washington, “may be a pitch for a future international role, whether on behalf of the European Union or otherwise,” said Noel Whelan, a former adviser to Ahern’s Fianna Fail party. “Bertie Ahern certainly has the mix of skills that might play in conflict resolution.”
Although it’s worth noting the other quotes in the report
“His name has dropped from the top list of candidates for EU president,” said Antonio Missiroli, chief analyst at the European Policy Centre, a Brussels research institute. “If he had led a successful referendum campaign, that would have given him a better platform. Now he doesn’t have that.”
Ken Livingstone, one time favourite for the London mayorality now looks to be in serious trouble on the eve of poll, depending of course on which opinion poll you put your faith in. As Oliver Kamm notes, he has always been favoured with an opponent who has made some strategically disastrous mistake. In Boris Johnson, it seems his luck may just be in the process of running out. Nevertheless, two polls give him a narrow lead over the mop haired old Etonian. The one with the better track record, YouGov, gives it handsomely to Boris. I’m in London from early on and will be Twittering for Brassneck. If all goes well, I should be there in time to watch Ken vote at 8.30. More at Brassneck. Adds: Guido’s confident.
Bertie gets his last day in the political sun today. You can pick up his speech to the US Congress on line here. Expect mention of his role in bringing constitutional matters to a close in Northern Ireland. And possibly for Hillary ‘instrumental’ role in bringing peace to us natives? Of course, the opening scenes began on the Clinton watch. But the Bush adminstration played a more discreet, but possibly decisive role in bring final closure.
“The Order sets out the parameters of acceptable sexual activity in the 21st century and clearly states what the law will not tolerate.
“I am convinced that the changes will offer the people of Northern Ireland a modern legislative framework which will ensure maximum protection from unacceptable sexual activity. It puts Northern Ireland on a par with the rest of the UK.”
An Irish News poll shows two-thirds of school principals do not have confidence in SF Education Minister, Catriona Ruane (with a significant split in opinions between sectors - 48.9% in the CCMS sector and 84.2% in the State sector). The lack of information was a significant concern across the sectors with around three quarters of all school principals strongly disagreeing with the statement that they had received enough information. Full story here (subs reqd)
ADDED: With the DUP about to re-shuffle their minsterial deck will SF take the opportunity to do the same?
The Independent Monitoring Commission’s 18th report is with the UK and Irish governments and is due to be published tomorrow. The Irish Times reports [subs req] that they are “expected to publicly state that the IRA leadership did not sanction the murder of Paul Quinn from Cullyhanna in south Armagh last October.” There’s a short report here. The reports also note that
The IMC, however, will state that current and former members of the IRA from the south Armagh area were involved in the beating to death of Mr Quinn in farm buildings in Co Monaghan after he was lured over the Border, it is understood.
This finding contradicts the assertion by Sinn Féin leaders such as Gerry Adams and Newry and Armagh MP and Northern Executive Minister Conor Murphy that the IRA was not involved.
Here’s the Northern Ireland Executive’s Regional Development Minister, Sinn Féin’s Conor Murphy, speaking to BBC Newsnight’s Liz McKean in November 2007
“I have spoken to the IRA in his area and I am satisfied with the assurances they gave me, very solid assurances, that they weren’t involved in his death,” [Conor Murphy] says.
A bit of tit for tat tribalism in Scottish football: Celtic’s ‘holy goalie’ exposed a “God Bless the Pope” T-shirt complete with a picture of the late Pope John Paul II at a recent Old Firm game, while the Sunday Herald has issued a full page apology after a columnist wrote that some Celtic ‘fans would probably rather have a bead-rattling Hoopy the Huddle Hound in the dug-out.’ Arguably, the T-shirt wasn’t as offensive as the written jibe was, in that the player was celebrating his own religious identity rather than denigrating another - but I really doubt that Boruc is some innocent who thinks he isn’t being provocative. And context is everything, and I can remember how offended Celtic fans were when Paul Gascoigne played his invisible flute!
ANGLING seems to be one of Northern Ireland’s quiet success stories, with the Leisure Minister telling us the other day that it is worth more than £22m to the local economy (and the Deputy First Minister being a keen participant). Despite this, the authorities seem to have little interest in taking on the polluters responsible for the countless fishkills here, like this one reported yesterday. Perhaps it’s embarrassment stopping them, as the upprosecutable Water Service was NI’s worst polluter, up until it recently became NI Water. Never could get into fishing myself, but it does seem very popular locally and attracts thousands of tourists each year, and the neverending tales of pointless destruction of the river environment must be frustrating to those anglers who enjoy the sport and go to tremendous effort to protect these delicate and beautiful ecosystems.
Earlier today I spoke to Naoise Nunn, once (and possibly again) of this parish. These days he’s executive director of Libertas, a think tank and pressure group that seems to be successfully applying some attention to the issue of the Lisbon referendum due to take place on June 12th. He’s been travelling recently in the north and west of the Republic and reports that they are getting positive responses from people who whilst happy with the EU and the benefits it has brought them, are expressing increasing disquiet about some of the ways in which Irish sovereignty might be compromised. Not least in term of it’s tax policy. More over at Brassneck.
It is understood an amendment has been agreed which would give ministers power to appoint a chief commissioner, if desired, at a later date.
I doubt that’s sufficient to be described as ‘near resolution’ - the commission’s decision making process isn’t mentioned for a start. But May 6th is being reported as the likely date for the legislation to returnappear at the Assembly.
Where possible, any objections will be dealt with by direct contact between the organisers and the objectors.
If this is not possible and objections remain unresolved, the local council will facilitate discussion between the event organiser and those raising concerns.
The review body says the council will have a purely administrative role and will simply facilitate discussion rather than have a direct input.
Organisers of public assemblies should consider all aspects of their event and where possible identify any issues that may arise and immediately endeavour to address these. The issues identified and actions taken should be noted on the notification form they will be required to submit.
Step 2
The organiser of a public assembly of 15 or more persons, a public procession or a related protest meeting (see definitions on page 25) must notify a nominated officer of the local council of their intention to hold an assembly as early as possible but no less than 35 days before the assembly or, in the case of a protest related to a notified assembly, 21 days. Notification must be made by completion of the notification form and submitted by post, in electronic form or in person.
Step 3
The local council will publish the notification form, in a publicly accessible way, and directly notify identified interested parties, including the PSNI, emergency services and local elected representatives, of the planned event.
Step 4
Any objections to the proposed assembly will be lodged, on the appropriate form, with the local council within seven days of publication of the event details by the local council. The local council will notify all designated parties and all other parties who have registered an interest of the objection(s) and publish the objection form in a public accessible way.
Where possible, any concerns or objections in relation to a proposed public assembly will be dealt with by direct contact between the organisers and the objectors. The outcome will be notified to the local authority, who will then notify all interested parties of the agreed changes.
Where local agreement is reached, the assembly may then proceed as agreed.
Step 5
Where concerns or objections remain unresolved, the local council will facilitate discussion between the event organiser and those raising concerns or objections to seek a resolution to the issues. These informal discussions will be organised by the local council and held at local council expense and take place within seven days of receiving any concern or objection.
Step 6
Where no agreement can be reached through dialogue, the local council will inform OFM/DFM or their identified agents. Where requested by any party to the dispute and where valid considerations are raised, the local council will arrange a mediator, agreed by the parties to the dispute and drawn from the OFM/DFM register, on a case by case basis.
Parties to mediation will together agree a set of ‘ground rules’ and identify the issues to be addressed. The outcome will be notified to the local council who will then notify interested parties.
If a party is unwilling to enter mediation, OFM/DFM will be notified and they will then immediately initiate the adjudication process. Where a party is unwilling to enter face to face discussions, unless that refusal is due to exceptional circumstances that can be fully justified to the satisfaction of the adjudication panel, it will be taken into account by the panel in its final deliberations.
Step 7
Where no agreement is reached at least fourteen days prior to the proposed assembly date, the matter will be referred to OFM/DFM, by the mediator, for final adjudication (although mediation might continue). OFM/DFM will appoint an Adjudication Panel from their register of adjudicators consisting of three members, of whom at least one is qualified to practice law or has a relevant legal qualification and who will also act as chair of the panel.
The Adjudication Panel will be able to receive evidence from whomsoever they wish and must take into account human rights issues, any previous breaches of the Standards involving the participants concerned, and monitors’ reports.
The legally binding adjudication will be issued at least 7 days prior to the event taking place whenever possible.
In reaching their decision, the Adjudication Panel will fully explain their decisions in terms of human rights (determining which rights are actually engaged in any given situation), the Standards, and monitors’ reports and any other matters relating to behaviour in the previous year. It will be the responsibility of the local council to notify all interested parties of the Adjudication Panel’s decision.
An Adjudication Panel may only review a decision after it is issued if new and material facts have emerged which substantially affect the context in which the adjudication was made.
Step 8
For adjudicated assemblies, there will be a post event review involving all stakeholders no later than 35 days after the event. In all other cases it will be open to the parties, or the PSNI, to call for a post event review.
Update And it sounds like anyone can declare themselves an interested party
1.7 Local Councils that:
The Office of the Chief Executive within local councils should be given legislative responsibility for administering the processes of notification and local contact for dialogue. 4.3 (ii)
They should maintain appropriate records of all notifications received and any actions taken. 4.3 (vi)
They should establish and maintain a list for anyone wishing to be informed about forthcoming assemblies within their council area. This list should be publicly available. 4.3 (vii) [added emphasis]
In the context of their responsibilities to promote Good Relations, local councils should support the development of skills in dispute resolution both within the council and its staff, and within the wider community. 4.3 (viii)
For clarity
4.3 (vii) We recommend that local councils should establish and maintain a list for anyone wishing to be informed about forthcoming assemblies within their council area. This list should be publicly available. [added emphasis]
And for further clarity
4.3 (xi) Concerns or objections must be based on an identified potential breach of human rights, including public order issues where they impact on the rights of others, and/or a potential breach of the agreed standards of conduct. The local council should copy these objections to the event organiser.
xii) Where no concerns or objections are lodged with the local council, the event should proceed as notified.
xiii) Where it is not possible for concerns or objections to be lodged within seven days of the publication of notice, due to exceptional and unforeseen circumstances, the local council must decide whether or not there is sufficient time for the process of local dialogue and mediation to run. If there is insufficient time, the notified assembly should be referred directly to OFMDFM who should then consider whether the concerns or objections are manifestly ill-founded on human rights grounds, and whether an adjudication panel should be appointed. A full explanation of the exceptional and unforeseen circumstances must be provided. [added emphasis]
And if there is sufficient time?
4.4 (iii) Where resolution through local dialogue is not possible, OFM/DFM should be informed and if they are satisfied that the concerns or objections are not manifestly ill-founded on human rights grounds (having regard to past behaviour and the standards of conduct, and on the basis of appropriate advice where necessary) OFM/DFM (or their agent) they will appoint an independent mediator(s) acceptable to all parties. [added emphasis]
NOT to get on Caitriona’s case too much, but does no-one in the Education Department see that there could be a connection between cuts here and consequences here - if not immediately, then further down the line? It may be belt-tightening time, but could funding after-schools clubs perhaps save the taxpayer money in the long term? And speaking of cuts, the penny may finally be dropping in Belfast City Council that it simply cannot continue to pour our rates into duplicating hideously expensive facilities across peace walls. “We have to move away from the if there is one in a unionist area, there has to be another in a nationalist area and vice versa,” said UUP councillor Bob Stoker in a city where the Shankill leisure centre is just a stone’s throw away (or a half-brick’s throw if it’s the summer) from the Falls one. Would it not be more sensible economically and financially to try and have one integrated unit, or is that still years off? Can we afford the expensive luxury of such bitter tribalism forever? After all, there is simply no need for 11 leisure centres in the size of a relatively piddly little city like Belfast. It might seem contrary to argue for continued funding for after-school clubs and cuts to leisure centres, but the latter facilities have cost £41m in five years. And that probably ain’t sustainable.
I am in blood Stepped in so far that should I wade no more, Returning were as tedious as go o’er. (Macbeth III iv)
Before Dundela Avenue’s finest start, it is rather unfair to compare their new leader with Macbeth. He may have helped in the slaying of his leader to accede to the throne but I do not think Iris is Lady Macbeth (though I always imagine Lady Macbeth with red hair). However, Macbeth is often suggested as a great and brave soldier, a man of action, but not a great thinker like maybe Hamlet.
I have previously suggested that Robinson is a brilliant tactician but not a great strategist and little I have seen since the announcement of Dr. Paisley’s retirement makes me change that opinion.
The idea of stopping the chuckle brothers and getting closer to a battle a day is a good tactic but the mutual veto, enforced coalition etc. is all still there and the strategy for ending these problems seems sketchy to say the least.
The recent suggestions regarding increased unionist cooperation have already been mentioned by fair_deal. Some see this as the beginning of a strategy by Robinson to bring together the unionist vote in a smaller number of parties and increase turn out. If so that is indeed the beginnings of a strategy and although I am an opponent of the DUP; as a unionist I would welcome it. However, I am left with the nagging doubt that this is simply an extension of the extremely effective tactics by which Robinson masterminded the defeat of the UUP. This may simply be a way of taking some more UUP votes by stealth and indeed maybe in the fullness of time gobbling up the UUP. In this I think he has “stepped in so far that …. Returning were as tedious as go o’er.”
In addition what I suspect was the most classically tactically good but strategically awful decision was to take the First Minister from the largest single party rather than the largest party of the largest community. That did indeed allow the blackmail of the unionist electorate at the last Stormont election but in the new reality with quite possibly three unionist parties it was a disastrous blunder; one for which Robinson seems to be principally responsible. His only hope might be that such a possibility might force the UUP to join him after a subsequent election. Truly Machiavellian but I suspect impossible and I doubt Robinson thought that far ahead.
All this tactical brilliance yet strategic failure is of course summed up in the person of one man: Robinson and the DUP’s nemesis, Jim Allister. At the time it seemed a brilliant tactic for Robinson to call back the man who has subsequently become rejectionist unionism’s King Arthur (or for Allister’s detractors, opening Dracula’s tomb). It stopped the possible enemies of Robinson becoming MEP: people like McCrea. It also temporarily strengthened Robinson’s hand. However the wisdom of bringing back from the wilderness a man who had previously shown a willingness to be quite independent, who had previously walked away from political power and was sufficiently independently successful and financially secure never to be beholden to Robinson, was a strategic blunder. The subsequent attempts to play down and laugh at Allister after he left, followed by the panicked reaction to Dromore all showed that the possibility of attack from the DUP’s right following their shift to the left had never been considered. Indeed with the exception of this most scholarly contribution by fair_deal (surely one of the best unionist blogs this site has seen), I have seen little sign of a coherent strategy to deal with the TUV having been considered.
Strangely there is a way by which a unionist strategy might be put back together. I am inclined to agree with Alex Kane’s thesis that overall unionism’s best interests are served by having two unionist parties. Of course the TUV might just vanish but that might end up with a new group of rejectionist garden centre Prod, a sort of me Darth, the Watchman et al. sitting in our gardens looking cross and not voting. Alternatively if the DUP do manage to gobble up the UUP they will have to move further to the left and as such open up more space for the TUV. We could therefore end up back where we started with a liberal unionist party (the DUP/UUP alliance) and a hardline unionist party (the TUV). That is, however, the unlikely and ideal end to the current situation. I suspect more likely is further damage within unionism by the presence of three parties albeit mitigated by electoral pacts.
As I said at the start, I do not doubt Robinson’s tactical brilliance; I just doubt his strategic abilities and fear that like Macbeth he will continue with a flawed or non existent strategy (not in fairness in Robinson’s case of murdering people which seems to have been Macbeth’s solution to most things) to the detriment of unionism. Alternatively Robinson may find himself the victim of either Trimble’s fate of electoral defeat or Paisley’s of an internal coup. The question for the Shakespeare buffs of course is which politician was born by Caesarean section (“from his mother’s womb/ Untimely ripped,”) was it Jim Allister or Nigel Dodds?
Raymond McCord senior has announced that he is setting up a victims group along with other relatives including the aunt of Gerard Devlin (murdered in 2006) and Paul McIlwaine whose son David was murdered in 2000.
From the BBC report:
Mr McCord said the Victims Commission set up by the assembly was a “sham” and a new cross-community group would be established this week. “We are going to set up our own victims’ group.”
“We will help people the way they should be helped and not (through) a political agenda.”
“There is no group here in this country dealing properly with people being intimidated, particularly at interface areas.”
I have recently mentioned the IRA army council and there is no need to spend vast amounts of time on it, save to mention Rowan’s comment that “time has passed since the Northern Bank robbery and other IRA linked actions.” This is interesting and seems to imply that there is some form of ultra short statute of limitations on terrorist activities. I would be surprised if ordinary robberies and murderers did not really matter after a year or so.
Moving to the issue of the UDA, however, the situation is equally interesting and morally vacuous. Rowan suggests that sources have told him that the UDA leadership “has a problem” in terms of winding up “And I’m not sure how soluble it is.” It seems that the UDA may be unable to tell its members what to do. This may well be the case. However, this does beg the question why then is anyone is talking to the UDA, why was there ever any consideration of giving them money for going away?
The UDA and its self appointed leadership of “brigadiers” may or may not be facing a problem. It certainly appears that loyalist paramilitary criminality has far from gone away. However, there is a more important issue: the UDA are a problem at all levels of their illegal criminal organisation. There is a solution to this problem: it is the rigorous enforcement of the rule of law and locking up those who commit crimes, including the crime of UDA membership. If the UDA leadership is a powerless and weak organisation then there is no need to entreat with it and no need to take it seriously; it should be ignored and the forces of law and order should deal severely with those in possession of weapons and all other criminal activities. If on the other hand it is a powerful organisation that changes nothing: it is still an illegal organisation composed of a group of criminals who should be locked up. The main problem the UDA leadership should have is the legitimate fear of arrest and prolonged imprisonment. That they seem to have less fear of this than they should have is a problem for all of us in this society. A problem we should demand be solved.
Forty years after discovering the wreck of gold-laden warship from the Spanish Armada on Antrim’s treacherous north coast, Robert Stenuit dives the site again and reveals the intrigue behind the recovery of the greatest haul of Armada treasure ever made. On a wild autumn night in 1588, the warship was wrecked and the Girona lay undiscovered for nearly four centuries, until treasure hunter Robert Stenuit found her wreck site and secretly began to salvage its golden hoard.
The British-Irish Inter-Parliamentary Body still cant’ get Unionists to come along, but Gary Kent, reporting from Wexford, reckons that that is only a name change and year away. The group of bank bench parliamentarians met as usual, but with our former Secretary of State for Wales, etc. in the chair (he hasn’t gone away you know)...
The British-Irish Inter-Parliamentary Body today in Wexford agreed a fairly bland motion on continuing progress in Northern Ireland which Tory MP Robert Walter described as motherhood and apple pie. However, some speakers were able to highlight real problems and to advocate new area of debate and action.
On Northern Ireland, Cecilia Keveaney and Eddie McGrady from Fianna Fail and the SDLP respectively (though some are watching that space to see if two become one) cited the continuing problem of sectarianism and bigotry in ghettoised communities surrounded by more and more “peace walls.”
Some members think the Body should think bigger and examine global issues. Peter Hain put forward energy security and boosting renewables. Eddie McGrady wanted to focus on food production and climate change whilst Baroness O Cathain singled out biofuels.
Back to the North: there was universal acceptance of the need for early devolution of policing and criminal justice powers. The DUP claims a veto over this and will wait for solid progress towards the dismantlement of the Provisional IRA - lock, stock and Army Council. But this wasn’t debated due to the continuing absence of unionists.
It won’t be long before they join. The next meeting of the Body in October will see it change its rules slightly and rename itself as the British-Irish Parliamentary Assembly. The unionist parties have indicated that they will send representatives, probably in a year’s time.
It’s been a very long time in coming but unionist participation in BIPA will give it some bite in its bid to become the backbench scrutiny body for the east-west dimension in general and the British-Irish Council in particular.
It was also Peter Hain’s first time as the new Co-Chair. He was widely praised but I enjoyed Chris Ruane MP’s mixed mathematical metaphors that in negotiations Peter was able to “square circles and triangulate.”
Edwin Poots has confirmed that the £70m earmarked for the Maze could be re-assigned to other departmental priorities if the decision is not to proceed with the new stadium. This could help address the Olympic cuts in lottery funding as well as the Ulster-Scots and Irish language strategies the Executive has to produce. Derry City FC have already an idea of how they can spend £5m of it and are getting support from local MLA’s.
Ken Livingstone, one time favourite for the London mayorality now looks to be in serious trouble on the eve of poll, depending of course on which opinion poll you put your faith in. As Oliver Kamm notes, he has always been favoured with an opponent who has made some strategically disastrous mistake. In Boris Johnson, it seems his luck may just be in the process of running out. Nevertheless, two polls give him a narrow lead over the mop haired old Etonian. The one with the better track record, YouGov, gives it handsomely to Boris. I’m in London from early on and will be Twittering for Brassneck. If all goes well, I should be there in time to watch Ken vote at 8.30. More at Brassneck.
A bit of tit for tat tribalism in Scottish football: Celtic’s ‘holy goalie’ exposed a “God Bless the Pope” T-shirt complete with a picture of the late Pope John Paul II at a recent Old Firm game, while the Sunday Herald has issued a full page apology after a columnist wrote that some Celtic ‘fans would probably rather have a bead-rattling Hoopy the Huddle Hound in the dug-out.’ Arguably, the T-shirt wasn’t as offensive as the written jibe was, in that the player was celebrating his own religious identity rather than denigrating another - but I really doubt that Boruc is some innocent who thinks he isn’t being provocative. And context is everything, and I can remember how offended Celtic fans were when Paul Gascoigne played his invisible flute!
Another post in an occasional series on maritime history. Blueprint’s short run may have finished but tonight BBC NI are showing what looks set to be a fascinating programme in the BBC 1 9pm slot - The Great Girona Gold Hunt - and here.
